Chapter 34 No Purpose
Liu Xiaobin reminded that when facing Li Cunxun, Pei Chengyi was very calm
Probably expected that Liu Xiaobin would tell Pei Chengyi what he knew. Li Cunxun simply introduced the basic situation and then took out a list of generals, and Pei Chengyi selected the second deputy from it.
This is definitely not an easy task.
When Pei Chengyi saw the names at the forefront, he knew that his choice must have something to do with the struggle within the army and even the domestic struggle of the Republic.
Li Cunxun did not let Pei Chengyi make a decision immediately, giving him enough time to think.
From the perspective of military needs alone, Pei Chengyi must have chosen a general who has cooperated with him and will willingly obey the command. More importantly, because this general will go to Iran or Syria to perform the duties of a front-line commander instead of Pei Chengyi. He needs to cooperate face-to-face with the generals of the allied countries, so he must have certain political qualities and at least know how to deal with foreign-related incidents.
In this way, "strong generals" like Ling Yunxiao will be eliminated early.
Among the remaining choices, Pei Chengyi must weigh the pros and cons. To be precise, weigh the pros and cons.
Nearly from the east, generals who were able to gain a place in the leadership of the Republic have outstanding military achievements. Xiang Yinghui was famous through the Fourth India-Pakistan War and the East China Sea War. Lin Xiaolei made great contributions in the Fourth India-Pakistan War, the East China Sea War, the Peninsula War, the Japanese War and the Indian War. Needless to say, Pei Chengyi, even Yuan Chenhao, who was also a lieutenant general in the army, showed his power in the Indian War. More importantly, Lin Xiaolei was at most in the old year of the General Staff, and when the four changed their leadership, he did not care about Lin.
Xiaolei is willing or not, due to age restrictions, he has to retire. Although according to the Kuju set by Wang Yuanqing, Lin Xiaolei should be the chief of the General Staff of the Air Force in the future, and it is very likely that he is the current commander of the Air Force, but no one can tell whether the rules can be up to four. Moreover, with the deepening of the third military reform, the power of the General Staff will definitely be weakened. If Gu Weimin had some ideas, such as taking this opportunity to strengthen the Ministry of Defense, he should abolish the Chief of Staff and establish a joint staff organization.
In fact, regardless of whether Gu Weimin is willing or not, as long as Lin Xiaolei believes that he cannot continue to serve as the Chief of General Staff after 2 years, he will not be able to arrange for the naval general to serve as the Chief of General Staff. In order to continue to exert influence, or to ensure that the great naval plan that he spent his whole life hard can be completed, it is very likely that the third military revolution, that is, the abolition of the Chief of General Staff. If the goal is not achieved, he must try every means to weaken the power of the Chief of General Staff, and then use the naval officers arranged to be in the General Staff during his tenure as the Chief of General Staff to control the overall situation.
In addition to Lin Xiaolei's supervisor's wishes, Pei Chengyi also has to consider Pei Chengyi. Everyone knows that if the rules are broken, Pei Chengyi is undoubtedly the best candidate for the Chief of Staff. By the time of the four, Pei Chengyi was only a wizard, and it was the most glorious period of senior generals. With his ability, it is definitely not a problem to work in the position of Chief of Staff as Chief of Staff. The problem is that Pei Chengyi's military achievements have been brilliant enough. Even becoming the Chief of Staff is only a icing on the cake, and his appeal to him will definitely not be much greater. In other words, Pei Chengyi takes off his military uniform only for a while. In this way, Pei Chengyi will most likely not fight against Lin Xiaolei on weakening the power of the Chief of Staff. In order to gain capital to enter the political arena, he may even support Lin Xiaolei.
From this we can see that the struggle within the Republic's army is no longer a question of who is the Chief of Staff.
Before seeing the list, Pei Chengyi knew that if we start from reality, there was no need to arrange a second deputy. Even if Syria and Iran hoped to cooperate with a genuine Republic general, instead of handing over the national defense force to a general who had never been on the battlefield, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao came forward. It was enough to solve the problem. In any case, the Iranian and Syrian authorities knew who Yuan Chenhao was and what he had done.
Obviously, this is unlikely to be Li Cunxun's arrangement.
Of course, Pei Chengyi also had to consider another possibility, that is, Li Cunxun didn't want him to fall too deeply in this war.
As mentioned above, Pei Chengyi's military achievements are already brilliant enough. Even if he wins another battle, he may not be able to win greater honors. More importantly, the Middle East is not South Asia. Even if the Republican authorities have made up their minds, even if they are likely to fight with the United States and fight in the Middle East, it does not mean that the war will be won and the possibility of losing will not be small.
In a sense, the Republic and the United States are not only competing for the Middle East, but also warming up for the subsequent battle.
From this perspective, the winner or loser of the Middle East War is not very important. That is to say, when necessary, the Republican authorities are likely to give up on the Middle East.
Li Cunxun, the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, must have understood Gu Weimin’s thoughts.
Thinking of this, Pei Chengyi couldn't help but gasp.
Although from the beginning, he felt that fighting with the United States for the Middle East through head-on confrontation was the worst strategy. No matter what, the Republic has not yet prepared to take over the United States' global influence, nor has it been prepared for a full-scale war. Even if the United States is not prepared, it should not take risks for a region. Before that, Pei Chengyi had always believed that the above had already had countermeasures to let the United States voluntarily withdraw from the Middle East, so that the United States would press forward step by step. Or the situation was completely opposite, that is, the United States had a stop. The country took the initiative to introduce countermeasures to the Middle East, forcing it and the country to pay for the head-on confrontation between major powers.
Obviously, Pei Chengyi’s previous judgment was problematic.
Although no one denies that as long as the Republic has not given up on its goal of becoming the world's number one power and the only number one power, and the United States does not intend to give up its hegemony and become Russia that has led to the century-old and becomes a regional power, then the war between the Republic and the United States will be inevitable. Many people even believe that the Republic and the United States are actively promoting comprehensive nuclear disarmament, which is not to let the war between the two superpowers destroy the entire world and open the door to World War III. But one thing must be admitted is that whether it is the United States or the Republic, they will not provoke their opponents until they are ready for the world war. In fact, since the Fourth India-Pakistan War, especially the global financial strait caused by the East China Sea War, and the subsequent global Great Depression, the Republic and the United States are preparing for World War III.
The preparation for war is not to move people, and it is so simple to produce weapons. It must start from the most basic thing, that is, small things that concern the country's comprehensive strength. Take World War II as the source of Europe. In fact, long before the Nazis came to power, the Weimar government prepared for war by revitalizing national industries, restoring the domestic market, and building infrastructure. On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, after Franklin Roosevelt came to power for the three years, he fully promoted Keynesianism in the name of dealing with the Great Depression, and built national infrastructure by expanding the fiscal deficit and restoring industrial production. In fact, it was also doing it for war.
Preparation. After World War II, many economists and historians believed that it was not Roosevelt who saved the United States, but Hitler and Hideki Tojo, because Keynesianism could not solve the fundamental social problems that led to the Great Depression, overcapacity was overcapacity. Only war could consume a large amount of materials, provide orders for factories, provide workers with job opportunities, and provide society with motivation and purpose to continue moving forward. In other words, it was World War II that helped the United States get out of the Great Depression. As one of the greatest presidents of the United States, Roosevelt could not have known that the Great Depression would lead to a world war. It was impossible for them to be unprepared and would definitely be actively prepared for the war.
In fact, even after entering the century, only war can solve the problems brought about by the Great Depression.
Without the Iran War, the Peninsula War, the Japanese War and the Indian War, could it consume the warehouses of the Republic and the United States, enough for all mankind to use industrial products that have been used for many years? If the surplus materials are not consumed, the factory will not be able to get new orders. It will not be able to operate normally and will go bankrupt, resulting in workers' careers and people will be even more unable to buy industrial products that have been seriously surplus, leading to more factories going bankrupt, forming a serious vicious cycle, and eventually leading to social collapse. It is war. And it is large-scale war that has brought the world economy out of crisis.
The problem is that the Great Depression that broke out in Litingen did not trigger a world war.
Although the four large-scale regional wars consumed more than twice the materials that were as high as those of World War II, the total investment in reconstruction after the four wars far exceeded that of the Marshall Plan after World War II, which was enough to consume all the excess materials in the world, otherwise the global economy would not have been able to improve rapidly after the Indian War. However, compared with the world war, the biggest feature of regional wars is that it is impossible to change the world pattern and it is impossible to have a fundamental impact on the industrial system of the two superpowers. In fact, this is the root of the problem.
Ultimately, material surplus is caused by uneven distribution. If social distribution can be absolutely fair, there will be no problem of surplus.
The problem is that no one, government, or even society can solve the problem of injustice of distribution, and it is even more impossible to achieve absolute fairness. In this way, there will always be an overflow phenomenon. For different countries, the difference is only when the surplus phenomenon occurs. The greatest impact of the Great Depression on society is not to affect the lives of most people. Instead, let the government and society learn from it. The global Great Depression broke out in the year of 1000. It was separated from the last global Great Depression, and it was very funny to the Western world in the year of 1000. It was a big deal of experience and efforts made by the Western world. It was important that many of these experiences came from World War II.
In other words, because there was no world war, many fundamental problems of the Great Depression were not solved.
Not to mention, the industrial structures of the Republic and the United States have not changed due to four large-scale regional wars. Those companies still control the economic lifelines of the two world powers, and the resulting in injustice of social distribution cannot be fundamentally resolved.
To put it bluntly, the Great Depression has not ended, it just lurks.
That is why the Republic and the US authorities have enough reason to believe that the next Great Depression will not come after the Year of the Year, and it is very likely that it will surface again in the Year of the Knife or the Year of the Blade. There is no doubt that during this period, both the Republic and the United States will have the ability to solve the surrounding problems. Because it is difficult for superpowers to be directly involved, the possibility of large-scale regional wars is greatly reduced. Even if large-scale regional wars break out in some hot spots, because there are no superpowers to be directly involved, the effect will not be much better. In this way, as social problems break out again, world wars will inevitably be.
In this case, whether it is the US authorities or the Communist Party of China, a very important issue must be considered, that is, whether we can prepare for the world war in the dirty and smuggling field.
In the past, Pei Chengyi had never thought about this issue. He now had to consider this issue.
In fact, the content of the London Treaty has made the most direct and clear explanation of the judgment of the Republican and the US authorities on the future situation: it is divided into three stages, and the final action to completely destroy nuclear weapons will be completed before the day of the Kojitsui.
This is the answer given by the Republic and the U.S. authorities.
Because the Treaty of London itself is regarded as the most hegemonic and the only global strategic treaty that was jointly promoted by two superpowers, the treaty itself is a signal from the two superpowers to other countries. No matter what, before the bottom, both superpowers will prepare for a total war.
From the beginning of the prison year, it is almost the year of swords.
In other words, the two superpowers probably need Blade Year to prepare for the world war.
The question now is, will social conflicts that are enough to change the world situation and allow the world war to come early in the future?
If the answer is no, then the Republic and the United States are likely to find ways to delay the outbreak of social conflicts.
Thinking of this, Pei Chengyi knew it.
Obviously, it was not Landes who planned the Middle East War, but was planned by Brandino, who was considered by everyone to be the most economically savvy and well-knowing president of the United States after World War II. When Brandino was in power, he faced Wang Yuanqing. In other words, the war planner of the Republic was not Gu Weimin. Pei Chengyi even had reason to believe that Wang Yuanqing asked him to join the "Yanhuang Plan Trooper" in Tian Nian in hope that he could serve as the supreme commander during the Middle East War and create miracles again.
Looking back at Wang Yuanqing's history, Pei Chengyi also understood one thing: that is, Gu Weimin must have participated in the planning work.
Not to mention, the first term was almost over. Gu Weimin still did not do much, and even made too much contribution to political reform. It was enough to show that he was waiting for the opportunity. In other words, Gu Weimin knew that Wang Yuanqing had benefited the Middle East War before leaving office, and no one could stop the outbreak of the war. In order to avoid the impact on the war, it was normal to slow down the pace of domestic reform. In fact, Zhao Rundong had the same situation and adopted the same approach. From another perspective, Gu Weimin also hoped to use this to establish his prestige, thus breaking away from Wang Yuanqing's influence and making a difference during the second term. That is why Gu Weimin was not very concerned about the situation in the Middle East, and did not even inquire about the war-related matters, and handed over the power to Li Cunxun.
No matter what, Pei Chengyi must believe that his current situation has actually been arranged long ago.
After thinking about this problem, Pei Chengyi discovered that Li Cunxun gave him a difficult problem.
As mentioned earlier, there are too many generals who hope to make a breakthrough in the war. In a sense, whether they can participate and whether they can make a difference in this war will be related to the fate of almost all the soldiers of the Republic. It is obvious that Gu Weimin plans to make efforts during the second term, establish his prestige, surpass Zhao Rundong at that time, and arrange his successors according to his own wishes. After leaving office, he will continue to affect the development of the Republic. In order to achieve this goal, Gu Weimin not only has to win Lin Xiaolei's support, but also has to support his own people in the army and give them a high enough prestige. The simplest and most direct way is to let him participate in the Middle East War and benefit from it.
Thinking of this, Pei Chengyi noticed a name behind the famous grass: Su Jinhui.
As the former commander of the Arctic Army, Su Jinhui's ability was doubtful. In fact, if he had not been in a relationship, or if it were not for Wang Yuanqing forming an alliance with the young and brave sect, Su Jinhui would have been able to achieve greater achievements and might even become Pei Chengyi's biggest competitor in the army. After the Peninsula War, while Su Jinhui was promoted to the Army General, he had to leave the Arctic Army, first served as the director of the Operations Department of the General Staff, and then was transferred to the Ministry of National Defense. After several twists and turns, he gradually faded out of people's vision.
It is obviously not easy for him to appear at this time.
Don't think too much, this must be Gu Weimin's arrangement.
Because the young and strong sect had already formed an alliance with Wang Yuanqing, even Lin Xiaolei could not betray this alliance. During Wang Yuanqing's reign, the young and strong sect had already controlled the entire army. Therefore, if Gu Weimin wanted to replace Wang Yuanqing's local sect in the minds of the Republic's soldiers, the first thing he had to do was to cultivate a senior general who had enough talent, not a senior general who had completely relied on background and nepotism, and to allow this senior general to achieve enough brilliant military achievements.
There is no doubt that Su Jinhui is the best choice. In fact, Su Jinhui already has enough brilliant military achievements.
More importantly, the aristocratic faction standing behind Su Jinhui also needs an opportunity, an opportunity to defeat the young and strong faction and regain the power of the army. Even if Su Jinhui does not want to intervene in internal struggles, and has not intervened in internal struggles in the past, he will not be out of the matter.
Thinking about this, Pei Chengyi looked at Li Cunxun.
It is obvious that he cannot make the decision on this issue and must seek Li Cunxun's opinions.
Chapter completed!