Helping Egypt formulate a war plan is definitely not a trivial matter. Mu Haoyang waited for three days before receiving instructions from Li Pingko to temporarily meet Najaf's requirements, but did not involve combat plans. This stumped Mu Haoyang. In a narrow sense, the war plan is a combat plan. It does not include combat plans, but is also called a war plan?

Fortunately, on October 18, Najaf approved the equipment procurement plan submitted by the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff.

The procurement scale is very large, with both land, sea and air. [bsp;   The army part mainly consists of 360 Type 24 main battle tanks, 780 Type 27 infantry fighting vehicles, 480 Type 23 155 self-propelled howitzers, 300 Type 25 122 rocket launchers and 180 Type 28 330 rocket launchers, including transfer of Type 24 tanks, Type 27 chariots and Type 23 self-propelled howitzers, as well as assembling some tanks and combat vehicles in Egypt, with a total contract amount of 780 billion yuan.

The navy mainly purchased two frigates and four submarines from the Chinese Navy, both of which were new ships that were put into service after 2030. Before delivery, they will be improved according to the requirements of the Egyptian Navy, and the supporting equipment is 32 heavy torpedoes and 96 air defense missiles. Because the Chinese Navy delivered six ships in a half-sell and half-delivery manner, the total contract amount was only 68 billion yuan.

In terms of the Air Force, the main procurement projects are 60 J-30i, which are targeted at Egypt's export type, which reduces tactical indicators and removes some expensive electronic equipment. The unit price is reduced by 25% on the basis of J-30, and avoids restrictions on export bans. In addition, there are four large strategic early warning aircraft, six tactical early warning aircraft and six electronic reconnaissance aircraft. In order to enhance air defense capabilities, the Egyptian Air Force has also purchased eight long-range air defense systems and twenty-four field air defense systems. The main project is still the modernization improvement of existing fighter jets, especially the mid-term life extension improvement of hundreds of J-22 and J-22m, and the last major improvement of some J-10s. Because there are many projects, they are all high-value equipment, especially the j-30i, the total contract amount is as high as 165 billion yuan.

In addition, the Egyptian Special Forces Command also purchased some equipment, with a contract amount of about 16 billion yuan.

The total amount of the four contracts is as high as 252 billion yuan, which is equivalent to 48% of Egypt's GDP in 2034. If Egypt's military expenditure in the same year is based on it, even if all of them are used to purchase equipment, it will take fifteen years to complete.

Obviously, Egypt does not have this economic and financial strength.

According to the agreement finally reached by the two parties, the contract amount will be paid in 20 years, of which 60% will be paid in industrial products, chemical raw materials, canal tolls, and Chinese enterprises in Egypt taxes and trade tariffs, 15% will be paid in precious metals such as gold, and the remaining 25% will be paid in RMB. After the Chinese arms companies deliver the first batch of equipment at the end of 2037, Egypt will first pay 15% of hard currency and 30% of cash. The remaining amount will be provided by the Chinese government with credit guarantee with a low-interest loan of 2.5% with an annual interest rate of 2.5%. Egypt will use fiscal revenue as collateral and pay in installments within the next 19 years.

As a result, the Egyptian government only needs to pay about 25 billion yuan a year since 2038.

Of course, Chinese companies did not suffer any losses. In addition to barter trading, Chinese arms companies can also transfer vested interests in Egypt, allowing other companies to expand their market share in the Egyptian market. For example, through tax mortgages, the tax rates of Chinese companies in Egypt will be far lower than those of other foreign-funded enterprises, or even lower than local companies in Egypt, and have greater profit margins and stronger competitiveness.

At that time, what both parties signed was only an intention contract, not a formal contract.

According to the request made by China, the formal contract was signed only after the rescue operation was over, that is, in the second quarter of 2037.

For Egypt, it's nothing.

Even if the formal contract was signed in 2036, Chinese arms companies would not be able to deliver the first batch of equipment until the end of 2037. The reason is simple. Before the first quarter of 2037, the main task of Chinese arms companies was to complete the production task of rescue operations, and then they needed to adjust the production structure and comprehensively maintain the weapons and equipment of the Chinese army. Finally, it was the turn of foreign trade.

A few months of buffering period is not bad for Egypt either.

During this period, Egypt can unilaterally terminate the contract, or increase procurement projects according to actual needs, or adjust procurement methods.

Most importantly, within these few months, the Egyptian army will undergo structural adjustments.

This is also the main reason why Mu Haoyang stayed in Cairo.

At the end of October, under the repeated urging of President Najaf, Mu Haoyang came up with the first reform plan, namely, to comprehensively adjust the command structure of Egypt's army, navy and air force, establish a unified joint combat command system, and no longer strictly distinguish military branches, so as to improve the combat efficiency of the army.

Because he was only an external military adviser, Mu Haoyang did not mention personnel changes.

How to change is Najaf's business. Mu Haoyang is only responsible for providing advice and does not participate in the reform actions.

What made him feel very pleased was that Najaf adopted his suggestion, namely, first adjusting the command structure and not making changes to personnel arrangements for the time being.

Like China's military reform, Egypt's military reform is the most "injured" of the army.

In the process of establishing a joint combat command system, the status of the army will definitely be reduced, and the status of the air force and the navy will be improved accordingly. Because Egypt is not a major maritime power and does not have many territorial seas to protect, the Egyptian Navy did not gain much benefit in the reform, and the real beneficiary is the Air Force.

Strengthening the Air Force and improving the status of the Air Force are also Najaf's basic understanding.

In the Third and Fourth Middle East Wars, the Arab coalition was defeated the most badly not the army, but the air force. In addition to having an army that can conquer and fight, it is closely related to its powerful air force, especially its attack and defense capabilities.

In a sense, if you cannot defeat Israel on the air battlefield, you will not be able to win on the ground battlefield.

To this end, the primary task of Egypt's military reform is to build an air force that can match the Israeli Air Force.

It can also be seen from the procurement of equipment that the Air Force is the real focus.

For the Egyptian Air Force, the most critical procurement project is sixty j-30i.

Like the air forces of most small and medium-sized countries, with limited funding, the Egyptian Air Force cannot establish air power in the form of mission allocation like the Chinese Air Force, that is, it is possible to equip special air-braking fighters and multi-purpose fighters at the same time, and can only equip a more advanced fighter to meet various combat needs. The result is that multi-purpose fighters have become an inevitable choice.

Before introducing the J-30i, the Egyptian Air Force's j-22 and j-10 were real multi-purpose fighters.

Although in the medium-term improvement, especially the subsequently purchased j-22m is more aimed at air combat, there is still a big gap compared with professional air-control fighters. Strictly speaking, unless the j-222 is improved according to the j-25m standard, the Egyptian Air Force will not have a true air-control fighter. Even the j-22m will be difficult to gain an advantage in front of Israel's air-control fighters.

Relatively speaking, Egypt's opponents are completely different.

The Israeli Air Force not only has hundreds of F-35i and F-22i, but also the first target of F-44 export. If the F-44 project is no longer delayed, the Israeli Air Force will become the third country in the world to be equipped with fifth-generation air combat aircraft in 2037 or 2038. Although according to the news released by the Israeli Ministry of Defense in 2034, the number of first batch of F-44 purchases will not be too large, but the advantages of cross-generation are difficult to make up for by quantity. If the Egyptian Air Force does not have fifth-generation fighter jets, it will be difficult to seize air supremacy in the future battlefield.

It is precisely this that the Egyptian Air Force put the j-30i first.

For these sixty fighters, the Egyptian Air Force can be said to have spared no expense. You should know that as the first fifth-generation fighter jets to be exported, the j-30i not only has a performance reduction, but also has been replaced with a j-25m radar instead of the standard multi-mode fire control radar. The price is also extremely expensive. The comprehensive procurement cost of the sixty fighters is as high as 660 billion yuan, which is equivalent to 11 billion yuan per aircraft.

How expensive is this?

Just compare it and you will know that the two frigates sold by the Chinese Navy are only one hundred billion yuan per unit price.

Of course, j-30i is definitely worth the money.

Not to mention that Egypt cannot obtain fifth-generation fighter jets from other countries, in terms of combat effectiveness, sixty J-30i can definitely change the strategic balance of the Middle East. If Israel still purchases twenty-four F-44s in the first batch according to the original determined plan, then in 2038, the Egyptian Air Force will gain a clear air superiority and break the air supremacy that has been monopolized by the Israeli Air Force for decades.

For the Israeli Air Force, without air supremacy, not only without victory, it is unlikely to survive.

The first impact of the purchase of J-30i by the Egyptian Air Force was forcing Israel to announce at the end of 2036 that it would increase the procurement scale of F-44 to 84, and accept the first batch of forty-eight by the end of 2037, and accept the second batch of 36 by the end of June 2038. It should be noted that according to the development progress of F-44, mass production will not be possible until the fourth quarter of 2037 at the earliest. In other words, the F-44 is likely to be equipped with the Israeli Air Force first, and the US Air Force will postpone the installation.

After Egypt first made efforts, an arms race in the Middle East was inevitable.

What surprised Mu Haoyang was that after finalizing the arms purchase contract, Najaf generously gave more than 300 j-10i assistance to Syria. At that time, Chinese arms companies were selling the latest model j-22m to Syria. In order to eliminate China's anger, Najaf personally came forward and persuaded Syria to purchase 120 j-22m and jointly purchased a large number of ammunition and equipment.

Affected by this, in 2037, almost all Middle Eastern countries joined the ranks of arms procurement.

Of course, the impact is not only just this, Türkiye has also actively expanded its arms, and Greece has also begun to expand its arms, and the EU has been affected.

These are all things that happened later.

He was busy until the end of December. After handing over the first war plan to Najaf, Mu Haoyang received a call from Teng Yaohui and immediately set off for his return home.
Chapter completed!