With a cannon on the Avleer, he brought us Marxism...

This is a sentence that Hessman often heard in later generations - in his elementary, middle school and high school days, the October Revolution seemed to have begun with the bombardment of the armored cruiser Avler, anchored on the banks of the Neva River!

Now, when Hesman, who turned into a "military expert Comrade Antonov", personally joined the revolution and helped Trotsky formulate an uprising plan, he realized that he could not let the armored cruiser Avleur fire guns. That was an armored cruiser with 14 152mm cannons! Can the 152mm cannons be used to bombard the Winter Palace and the Maria Palace? Are these two ancient palaces with a long history?

Moreover, the attack was not the well-trained German Army Commando, but the half-baked garrison and armed workers of Petersburg. They did not have the ability to guide the artillery to hit the target accurately - if there was any target worth bombarding with a 152mm cannon. Perhaps, the Avle's shells would fall on their own heads, and this 152mm blasting bomb would cause heavy casualties.

So the Armored Cruiser Avleel is not above the plans set by Hessman.

Secondly, it is completely unnecessary to attack the Winter Palace and the Maria Palace in a crowded place. Because there is not much defensive force there. In the city of Petrograd, the Provisional Government can now control only 1,500 female soldiers, a similar number of non-commissioned officers, and an unknown number of officers. Moreover, the Provisional Government has few strongholds left. In addition, the Maria Palace, the General Staff Building, the Admiralty Building, overseas exchanges, the Russian Imperial Bank Building and other important strongholds, the entire Petrograd has actually fallen into the hands of various armed forces supporting the Bolsheviks.

So there is no problem in seizing Petrograd - Hessman formulated a plan to seize Petrograd at night, without mobilizing the masses to go to the streets, just mobilize sailors and garrison troops to surround the Hermitage and Maria Palace, and arrest Kerensky and his ministers. Do not bleed as much as possible, and just have a peaceful coup.

The real difficulty of the August Revolution lies in how to repel the counter-revolutionary army mobilized by the opponent from the front line. Due to the defeat of the Russian army after the Kerensky offensive, the front line was very close to Petersburg along the Baltic coast. The headquarters of the Russian army's northern front has now retreated to Pskov, close to Petersburg, and the front line of the battle between the two sides is in Latvia, west of Pskov.

Although the Russian army there could not stop the Germans in front of them (historically, the Germans occupied Pskov in the winter of 1917, only one step away from Petrograd), they were first-line troops after all, and the army with the best equipment, best training and most practical experience in Russia. Compared with them, Petrograd's garrison troops were at most militias, and the armed workers were even less worth mentioning.

Some of these front-line Russian troops (mainly the Cossacks and the Caucasians) were controlled by old officers loyal to the Provisional Government. These included the remnants of the Cossack General Kornilov who first won and then suffered a crushing defeat in the Kerensky offensive and the cavalry of another Cossack General Krasnov (about five thousand).

In addition, there were some fence-bearing men on the front line of Pskov, such as some teams dominated by Ukrainians. After the February Revolution, the Ukrainians had their own government, Central Lada, and were preparing to be independent or achieve complete autonomy. Since the Ukrainians had a large number of Russian troops, Kerensky and Lenin both gave this Central Lada certain commitments. The former agreed to Central Lada's leadership of Ukraine until the election of the Constitutional Assembly to discuss other matters, while Lenin fully agreed to Central Lada's proposal. However, since Lenin made the promises, Central Lada's partner was still Kerensky.

There are also some troops composed of Slavs from outside Russia that may also support the provisional government. For example, the Czechoslovak Legion, which was recruited by the Provisional Government from Czechoslovak expatriates and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war after the February Revolution, with a population of about 50,000, and they were not influenced by the Bolsheviks.

If Kerensky mobilizes some force and fights back to Petrograd, then the revolution will fail.

Therefore, preventing the Russian army loyal to the Provisional Government from the front line of Pskov to enter Petrograd was Hessman's most important task in the August Revolution (the fifteenth day of the eighth day of the Gregorian calendar and the twenty-seventh day of the Russian calendar).

......

"Dear comrades, soldiers of the First Machine Gun Regiment of the Petrograd Garrison, I am honored to be appointed by the Soviet Military Revolutionary Committee to become the chairman of your Soldiers Committee. Now I want to tell you a great news!"

On the morning of August 15, Hessman left Petrograd and arrived in the Tsar Village in the evening. He took over the First Machine Gun Regiment, which arrived two days ago under the order of the Petrograd Engineer Representative Soviet (already under the control of the Bolsheviks) - this unit is Lenin's iron rod. In his original history, he was split and transferred to the front by the Provisional Government for participating in the "July Bloodfall Incident". However, the "July Bloodfall Incident" has not happened. This regiment is naturally still in Petrograd, and

It also grew stronger and absorbed many "desergeants" who came back from the front line, with a number of more than 10,000 people. It was almost the strength of a division, and it also had a small number of artillery and mortars. The number of Maxim machine guns was relatively sufficient. Each company had at least one ammunition and ammunition was enough to support a battle. The only shortage was the shortage of officers, and the soldier committees at all levels completely controlled the troops. Such an army was a good player when causing trouble, and it might not be possible to go to the battlefield!

Standing on the second floor of Alexander Palace (Nicholas II's family has been transferred by the provisional government, and it is now the temporary command of the First Machine Gun Regiment), on a balcony facing the lawn, standing next to him is a member of the Military Revolutionary Committee, Joseph Stanislavovich and Winshlicht. He is a Polish Jew, a veteran Bolshevik, who looks and dresses like a university professor. All the troops led by the Military Revolutionary Committee south of Petersburg are commanded by a Military Committee led by him, and Hessman is actually his assistant.

On the big lawn, the soldiers of the First Machine Gun Regiment were filled with darkness and spectacularity. Some of them knew Hessman (Hessman had briefly served as the chairman of the regiment's Soldiers Committee). When Hessman said there was a great news, everyone held their breath.

"The Bolshevik Party ********** and the Military Revolutionary Committee have passed a resolution to launch an uprising on the night of August 15, that is, tonight, to overthrow the reactionary bourgeois provisional government! In a few hours, all Russia's power will belong to the Soviets!"

"Ula!Ula!"

"Long live the Soviets! Long live the Bolsheviks!"

The atmosphere immediately seemed to be ignited, the cheers were deafening, and countless military caps were thrown high into the sky. But the people who cheered "Ula" did not realize that tonight's revolution would be the beginning of a long and cruel civil war!

No one would have thought that the Bolsheviks' power would not only bring them peace, land, and the power of workers to supervise factories, but even the fruits of the victory of the February Revolution - democracy and freedom, would be completely deprived of!

Hessman and Wenshlicht looked at each other, Wenshlicht raised his right hand high, the cheering sound gradually subsided, and everyone held their breath again.

Hessman took a deep breath and looked at the dark people on the lawn, and now he was about to declare that they had lost their "freedom".

"Dear comrades!" Hessman shouted loudly with all his strength, "I heard your cheers and understood your mood at this moment, but at this important historical turning point, I have to pour a little cold water on you on behalf of the Soviet Military Revolution Committee-the beginning of the revolution can now be declared, but it cannot be declared victory, because the enemy of the revolution is still very powerful! It includes not only the bourgeoisie and old aristocrats in Russia, but also the imperialism and capitalism in other parts of the world, especially

German imperialism! They want us to be slaves forever and will never watch us liberate, so the cruel struggle has just begun! Only by being brave enough, firmly united around the Soviet Union, and not afraid of making all sacrifices, can we win the final victory! Comrades! Are you willing to fight to defend the revolution and defend the Soviet Union? Are you willing to accept the leadership of the Soviet Military Revolution Committee? Even if the Revolutionary Military Committee requires you to die gloriously?"

"Yes! We do!"

No one said no...

Hessman nodded and shouted loudly: "Now I announce the order of the Military Revolutionary Committee: From today on, all the soldiers committees in Russia must obey the leadership of the Military Revolutionary Committee! The Military Revolutionary Committee has the right to exempt any chairman and member of the Soldier Committee who disobeys the order, and the Soldier Committee has the right to execute the death penalty on any soldier who refuses to execute the order or escapes in the face of the battle!"

The soldiers raised their arms and shouted: "First support the Soviets! Long live the socialist revolution!"

——
Chapter completed!