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Chapter two hundred and seventy-fifth, the pot that had to be carried

The Berlin Palace had just ended a celebration banquet. As the protagonist of the banquet, Moltke was deliberately kept by William I.

As the guests dispersed, William I's joy disappeared. It can be seen that the light words just now were all pretending.

As the king of the Popo Federation, William I knew better than anyone else about the crisis he is facing now. The Battle of Warsaw was just a tactical victory and did not reverse the adverse situation on the battlefield.

It’s just that the people need confidence and victory. In order to stabilize people’s hearts, they can have this self-deception celebration banquet.

William I asked with concern: "Marson, when will the Battle of Warsaw end?"

"have no idea!"

The ordinary three words are a bit heavy when used here. It seems to have exhausted Moltke's whole body's strength, and his expression suddenly became dim after saying that.

This is the real answer. When the Warsaw Battle ends, it is no longer enough for the Popo Federation to say. The decision has long been transferred to the Russians.

After pausing, William I was exclaimed: "What if I force a time?"

Moltke shook his head: "Your Majesty, this is not something I can decide! If you want to end the Warsaw Battle, it depends on whether the Russians agree.

The Russian Fourth Army and the Fifth Army were all disabled, and their Seventh Army still maintained a certain combat effectiveness. The Third Army and the Sixth Army were on the way to arrive and would not be long before they arrived at the front line.

This is just the beginning. As far as I know, the Russians have seven new troops, and the enemy can draw at least four troops to the Warsaw battlefield.

Even if they are cannon fodder, we cannot defeat them in a short period of time. Moreover, the enemy is not in a hurry to fight the decisive battle now, and it will be even more difficult for us to take the initiative to attack.

Militaryly speaking, the enemy has entered our hinterland, and the Warsaw region has lost its value of continuing to guard.

If possible, I suggest giving up the Warsaw area first, concentrating our troops to resolve the crisis on the north and south fronts first, and focusing on the battle to defend the Prussian Kingdom."

Seeing that William I hadn't spoken for a long time, Moltke knew he was hesitant and continued to add: "In addition to resolving strategic passivity, we can also use German nationalism to influence the decisions of the Vienna government.

Austria supports the Russians, and if they find out that the Tsarist government has the intention to embezzle the German region, the situation will change.

Without the support of the Austrians, the Tsarist government would not last long. As long as they had no money in their pockets, the war would be over.

If progress goes well, we may also encircle and annihilate the main force of the Russian army in the Prussian area and regain the lost territory."

On the surface, Austria supports the Russians in order to eliminate the rival of the Popo Federation and clear internal obstacles to unifying the German region.

Once the Russians show interest in the German region, it will take a minute for Russia and Austria to turn against each other. Even if the government can take the overall situation into consideration, nationalists will provoke disputes.

William I shook his head: "This is the worst plan. It is easy to give up the Polish region, but it is difficult to get it back.

You have personally experienced Ivanov's military style. How likely do you think he is to be fooled?

If the Russians continue to work steadily, we will not last long. Maybe we will be exhausted before the Tsarist government's wallet is exhausted.

Besides, do you really think that the Russian and Olympics will turn against each other? Alexander II is not stupid. No matter how coveted the territory of the German region, it will not show it now.

If I were to be in Alexander II's position, I would throw all the German region of the Universal Republic to Austria to pay off the debt in exchange for the full support of the Vienna government.

Maintain good relations between Russia and Austria, hide behind Austria after the war and recover after resting, sit and watch the European storm, and wait for the next European change to occur.

It is not realistic to alienate Russia-Austrian relations, but there are some opportunities to seek support from other countries, which at least allows the British to increase their investment.

Unfortunately, Denmark turned to the Russians, otherwise it would be a great move to rent the Royal Navy and attack St. Petersburg by surprise."

The Berlin government has studied the relationship between Russia and Austria in depth, and finally came to the conclusion that Russia and Austria will eventually turn against each other. However, this time is not now, but the future time of the European hegemony dispute.

The Prussian-Russian War has not ended yet, and even if the Tsarist government is in a strong position, it is impossible for it to join the European hegemony immediately.

This means that the Russian-Austrian conflict will break out for a long time. In a short period of time, the Popo Federation will still be the number one target for the Russians to attack.

In fact, there is another reason why William I was not said, that is, now he is not only the Kingdom of Prussia, but also the King of the Kingdom of Poland.

Once he gives up the Polish region, it will be impossible for him to gain recognition from the Polish people in the future.

Politics is cruel, and it would be fine if there was no turnaround, and the situation would not be worse; if the Prussian army overturned the battlefield and recovered the lost territory, he, the Polish king who gave up the Polish region, would have done his best.

At that time, if the Popo Federation is rebuilt, and to ease the Popo relationship, he, the king, must bear the responsibility. Abdication is the best ending, and he may even die prematurely.

In the face of interests, nothing is impossible. Since the war has been going on, William I's control over this country has essentially dropped to its lowest point.

In this context, it is okay to give up the Warsaw area, but he cannot give this order. He must find someone to take the blame.

Is there anyone more suitable than Moltke now?

In order to win the war, the front-line coach ordered the abandonment of Poland, which made logical sense.

As for Moltke, he would be criticized after the war, or even notorious. William I was afraid that he would make his reputation even worse. No emperor liked his ministers and his merits were so great.

If it weren't for suggesting that Moltke took the blame, William I wouldn't have said ambiguous words at all, and the last complaint would be even more redundant.

The plan to attack St. Petersburg was not implemented because the Danes turned to the Tsarist government, but the most important thing was that the British lost their links.

The London government is unwilling to spend a lot of money, and there are many reasons involved.

Domestic: Opposition parties obstruct; Internationally: France and Austria hope that the British will abide by the rules of the game, and the Nordic Federation does not want to see the British extend their power to the Baltic Sea.

If it is to safeguard Britain's own interests, the London government can not be timid. The problem is that it is now for the interests of the Popo Federation, and it is natural that the London government is unwilling to pay such a great price.

No matter how much debt is, it is useless. Consortiums can influence politics, which does not mean that they can make decisions for the government. It is not the turn of capitalists to be the leader these days.

After pondering for a while, Moltke smiled bitterly and said, "I know what to do."

After saying that, Moltke turned around and left the palace, saving even the polite farewell.

From beginning to end, William I did not speak to stop him. The cracks widened, and there was no way to do so. Since Ron's death, there has been a gap between William I and Moltke.

Without lubricants, the conflict between the Popo federal government and the military is increasing. William I wanted to play political balance and it was inevitable that he would support a weak government to compete with the military.

As the military leader, Moltke naturally became the vanguard of conflict. As there were more conflicts, the deterioration of relations was inevitable.

William I now let Moltke take the blame, not only for the situation, but also for the continuation of political struggle.

Otherwise, the government could also take the blame, but the Berlin government is already weak, and if it takes the blame, it will be even more impossible to compete with the military.

After the unhappy meeting, Moltke took a special train overnight to return to the front line. On the surface, it seemed that the front line was urgent, but in fact it was also a silent protest.

Who can't refuse this culprit? It's not easy to be the boss of the military, and it must consider the overall interests of the military.

The military's voice is based on victory. The Popo Federation has the country in the army. If he loses the war, the most heavy loss will be the military led by the Junker nobles.

From a purely military perspective, there is a glimmer of hope to give up Warsaw and retreat to the Prussian Kingdom. Just this Moltke must be done.

If he offended the Poles, he was still a noble marshal. At most, he would be criticized for a few words and his reputation could not be used as a food. If he lost the war, he would be nothing.

It is impossible to be angry. If you are angry now and refuse to retreat and defend Warsaw, you are not gambled, but bet on your life.

The Heavenly Punishment of the traitors is not the patent of the Japanese. In fact, the Kingdom of Prussia is the originator, but it is not that crazy.
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