London is still filled with fog. William I was in a different mood when he stepped onto this fantastic city again.

The relationship between the British and Pu royal family is quite good. Both parties are in-laws. William I's son married Queen Victoria's daughter.

When William I visited, he naturally received a high-standard reception from the British royal family. However, the British enthusiastic spirit did not make William I feel a trace of warmth.

There was no way, there were no senior British government officials among the reception crowd. There was no doubt that the London government did not value his arrival very much.

This is a common method in diplomacy. It is a way to express political stance and put pressure on it, but it is still very effective.

Unlike the First Prussian War, the London government contributed money and efforts, and in order to stumble, it did not hesitate to offend the Russians to block the Baltic Sea, laying the foundation for Prussia to win the war.

The now declining Russian Empire can no longer threaten Britain's interests. Instead, it is no longer necessary to continue to suppress Russia.

Perhaps in the view of the London government, the Russian-Austrian alliance has broken down. Keeping the Russian Empire in a certain way can restrain some of Austria's power behind it, preventing them from fully investing in the European hegemony, which will help the European continent maintain balance.

The Popo Federation wanted to gain support from the British in the war, and there was no international situation to be used, so it could only speak for profit.

The welcome banquet was held normally, and the banquet was attended by a group of nobles, and the top leaders of the British government still did not show up.

A cabinet meeting is being held in the residence of the Prime Minister on Downing Street. It is not that the London government is inefficient, but mainly that William I came too quickly.

When the Queen is not in charge, the British cabinet has great power and naturally the workload is also very large.

The London government does attach great importance to the new round of Prussian-Russian War, but after all, the fight has not started yet.

War is not a joke. According to normal circumstances, it is normal to delay for several months, or one or two years.

Prime Minister Benjamin: "William I is here and the Russian crown prince will arrive next month. We need to make a choice now.

For Britain, I hope you can analyze rationally and gain the greatest benefit for the empire."

The victory or defeat of this Prussian-Russian War is no longer as critical as the last time. No matter who wins and who loses, the pattern of the three empires dominating the world will not change.

Foreign Minister Edward: "The one who should be concerned about this issue now should be Austria. The victory or defeat of the Prussian-Prussian War will determine who their potential competitors will be in the future.

The confrontation between PKR and Russia is actually a good choice. Now that the Austrians allow the outbreak of the PKR and Russia war, it seems that the Vienna government is not willing to accept the status quo.

In recent years, Austria's strength has grown very rapidly. Especially in terms of economy, it has performed particularly well.

In addition to military strength, Austria has surpassed France in all respects. If the French cannot digest the Italian region for a long time, the strength of France and Austria will sooner or later lose its balance."

Now France and Austria are the enemies of Britain, and nothing else is about strength. France and Austria have the strength to threaten the British, and they are the enemies of the London government.

The alliance between Britain, France and Austria was for the common interests. There was a covenant that could restrain everyone's behavior, reduce colonial conflicts, and save a lot of military expenditures.

Alliances are all about alliances, suppression, and restrictions. Restricting the strength of France and Austria has become one of the core strategies of the London government.

Colonial Minister Robert: "When the French digested the Italian region, the European continent would also lose balance, but it turned into France surpassed Austria.

This is actually a false proposition. Whether France overwhelms Austria or Austria surpasses France, the gap in strength between them is not a day to widen the distance.

We have enough time to make strategic adjustments. The question now is the upcoming Prussian-Russian war, which is more in our interest to win?"

Robert was optimistic about the French, and all the confidence given by Napoleon.

The French army swept across the continent back then, which left too much shadow on everyone. Even though the French army did not keep up with the pace in the new round of military changes, everyone still believed that the French army was the best in the world.

The performance of the French army in the first Near East War strengthened the British's view. The replacement of weapons and equipment was slow, and the military training remained decades ago. These problems were accidentally ignored by everyone.

It is generally believed that when the troops are of equal strength, the French army has the highest combat effectiveness in the world.

Based on the experience gained from the anti-French war, the best way to defeat the French is to spend more money and invest more troops.

The basis for everyone's belief that France and Austria's strength is also based on this. The French army is more elite, the Austrians have more economic strength, and the counteracting of each other happens to be equal.

Foreign Minister Edward: "The Austrians intend to indulge in the outbreak of Pratt-Russia, which is obviously seeking further expansion of their territory.

No matter who wins and loses in this war, the Vienna government is the biggest winner. In geopolitical relations, no one will be able to hinder Austria's expansion after the victory and defeat between Prat and Russia.

A few years ago, the French government continued to fight infight. In the past two years, Napoleon IV gradually took control of the regime, and the Paris government stabilized.

Because of interests, the capitalists who supported Napoleon III in the unification of the Italian region are now standing opposite to the Paris government and secretly sponsoring Italian independent organizations.

In the face of internal instability, the French have lost the ability to check and balance Austria, which is the main reason why the Vienna government dares to indulge in the outbreak of the Prussian-Russian War.

In order to balance the continent, we must create another enemy for the Austrians and restrain them from behind. Both Prat and Russia are alternatives.

From the perspective of development potential, the Russians have a significantly greater threat. Once this war is won, the arrogant Russian Empire will come back again.

Perhaps they were seriously injured after the war and were unable to compete for the dominance of the European continent, but in Central Asia and the Far East, they would still threaten our interests."

In the era of Napoleon III, the problem of Italy was not serious. Relying on his super political skills, he suppressed and won over a wave, and it was generally stable.

It was different when it was Napoleon IV's turn. Because the Paris government was busy with internal struggles, it ignored domestic economic development.

In particular, wrong economic policies were formulated to bring the markets on both sides into one. After opening up the market, capitalists who supported the merger with France found that they were fooled.

It seems fair competition, but in fact it has become France's economic plunder of the Italian region.

It’s not that the Italian capitalists don’t work hard, but that the gap in industrial strength between the two sides is too big, and it’s not something that can be caught up in a short time.

If it is just these problems, it is not unbearable. The only one who is unlucky is small and medium-sized capitalists. Strong capitalists can replace new equipment and regain competitiveness.

However, both Italy and France have a common problem - lack of resources.

In order to compete for resources, capitalists had to show their magical powers. There is no doubt that the Paris government sat very well and when formulating policies, it was more inclined to local capitalists.

After a while, resentment accumulated. The unwilling capitalists slowly manipulated public opinion, aroused the public's dissatisfaction with the French, and tried to force the Paris government to make concessions.

The result is naturally self-evident. Even if the French government wants to give in, the capitalists in Paris will not agree.

In the last economic crisis, this contradiction was directly detonated. Some capitalists began to tend to independence and promoted nationalism in the Italian region.

It is not only capitalists who are dissatisfied with the French, but in fact the local aristocrats are also dissatisfied with each carrot and pit. They have obtained too little in the distribution of rights of the French government.

Despite the conflicts, there was no large-scale independence movement in Italy. The reason is very simple. Despite all kinds of discomforts, the living standards of ordinary people have improved.

It doesn’t matter if the local economy is not good, and it can export labor. It’s all the same country, so it’s naturally not a problem to go out to work.

Compared with Italy, France has a high salary. This is also a win-win situation. Ordinary Italians get more income and French capitalists get cheap labor.

Some people are proud and others are frustrated. Because of labor mobility, labor costs in Italy have doubled in just ten years. This has made Italian capitalists grit their teeth.

Secretary of the Finance Department: "What can the Popo Federation give us? What can the Russians give us?

To be honest, these two countries can bring us too little benefits. Just checking and balancing Austria does not require us to intervene. Whoever wins will be Austria's enemy.

Now they ask us for help, not for international diplomatic support, but for more money.

What determines the outcome of this war is not whether the army of the Prussian and Russian countries is elite, but more depends on who can raise more money.

It’s easy to lend money to them, but how to recover it?

Although we do not want to admit it, we have to admit that our ability directly determines the outcome of this war.

If you make the wrong bet, you will lose all your money in the end. This is a investment of hundreds of millions of pounds, and I object to making a choice now."

The word "money" overturns the essence of British diplomacy. It directly causes Edward, the Foreign Minister who tends to support the Popo Federation, to shut up.

There is no way, the risk is too great. He doesn't know what to ask the Popo Federation to ensure the safety of the debt.

After hesitating for a while, Prime Minister Benjamin made a decision: "Let's explore William I's bottom first and see how many bargaining chips they have.

If the Popo Federation wants to win this war, it needs at least the support of two major powers. If they can obtain support from Austria or France, it is not impossible to issue war bonds for them."

International debt requires risks, even the wealthy John Bull is the same. If they don’t ask someone to share the risks, they will not dare to directly invest hundreds of millions of pounds to gambling.

Supporting the Russians is not within Benjamin's consideration. The main reason is not the potential threat, but because of money.

With the credibility of the Tsarist government, if he dares to lend money to the Russians, he will have a water in his head.

Don’t consider the issue of collateral. Even if a contract is signed, you can still breach the contract. The Royal Navy’s warships cannot reach the shore, and their deterrence to the Russians is too small.
Chapter completed!