After Alexander II ascended the throne, reforms were launched in the country. In order to win the support of the Poles, the means of rule in the Polish region were eased.

The Tsarist government pardoned Polish political prisoners and allowed the establishment of Polish medical colleges and agricultural associations in Warsaw.

In 1863, Alexander II restored the Commission on Faith and Public Education which was abolished twenty years ago. At the same time, the Tsarist government also allowed the convening of a meeting of state representatives. (Advisory nature)

(Note: Alexander II's succession time was delayed, and the reform time was also delayed. Many times in the book have changed from history)

These concessions by the Tsarist government satisfied the bourgeoisie and aristocrats in Poland. The convening of the State Congress gave them channels to influence domestic politics.

Happiness is always compared. Compared with the reforms of the Tsarist government and the reforms of Austria more than ten years ago, they are much happier than their companions in the Galician region.

You should know that during the European Revolution in 1848, most of the nobles and capitalists in the Galician region were cut down to death by the rioters, and the remaining half were dealt with by the Vienna government because they were involved in the rebellion.

Those who survived were either cautious or loyal, or those of the Habsburg family, who firmly stood on the side of the emperor.

As the past is learned, the nobles and capitalists in Russian Poland's mental expectations have been reduced. If the Shahe Royal Government tear apart, they believe that the consequences will definitely be more serious.

At least the Vienna government would find a reasonable excuse to take action within the scope of the rules, and the Tsarist government did not need it.

Franz is a bully who is afraid of the strong. Most of the capitalists who are killed by himself are without foundation and notorious.

For nobles, they usually forcefully redeem land. Only those who are serious will deprive their titles and never take action on the matter of destroying people.

The compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles attracted the attention of the governments in Berlin and Vienna, and many were worried that this was a prelude to the Russian expansion in Europe.

It would be fine if the Vienna government is, Austria's strength is different now, and the Russian-Austrian alliance is here. The chances of the Russians' big moves targeting Austria are infinitely zero.

The Berlin government is no longer possible. In the eyes of the anti-Russian faction, Russia-Poland compromise is closely linked to the Tsarist government's plan to seize universal Polish territory.

It is uncertain when this plan was first formulated. During the First Pundestag War, whether intentionally or unintentionally, the Tsarist government leaked the plan to seize Poland.

Because of this plan, after the war of unity was launched in Austria, the Kingdom of Prussia was reluctant to take action and missed the opportunity to annex the North German region.

At that time, the Tsarist government deployed 200,000 troops on the borders of the two countries. Nicholas I also sent people to encourage Prussia to take action. As a result, the more the Tsarist government agitated Frederick William IV, the less he dared to move.

There is no way, Mao Xiong's reputation is too bad. With the Russian-Austrian alliance, the Berlin government is worried that once the main force is dispatched, it will be jointly attacked by Russia and Austria.

The Vienna government also has a plan to divide Prussia between Russia and Austria. Although it was just a smoke bomb released by Franz, the Berlin government did not dare to gamble.

When fighting on the local area, whether facing Austrian attack or Russian attack, the Kingdom of Prussia can hold on for a long time and wait for the intervention of European countries.

Cross-border combat is different. The Kingdom of Prussia has not yet shown the invincible momentum of later generations. The performance in the First Prussian War made the Berlin government unconfidence.

After learning that the Tsarist government had compromised with the Poles, the Berlin government immediately began public relations, hoping that the Tsarist government would change its position towards the Poles.

Prime Minister Frank said to others privately: "I sympathize with the situation of the Poles, but we must survive, and there is no way to let them die."

His attitude was also the position of the Prussian government, and he tried his best to undermine the compromise between the Tsarist government and the Poles, and became the national policy of the Prussian government.

In the mid-1960s, Polish society in the congress kingdom faced two options.

First, cooperation with the Tsarist government can bring some easing to national oppression and some incomplete social reforms.

Second, in cooperation with the Russian Revolutionary Movement, we worked together to overthrow the rule of the Tsarist government.

Obviously, although choosing the second method can obtain funding from European countries, the success rate of rebellion has never been high, and the possibility of becoming a hero is far greater than that of becoming a hero, and it is not a choice of proletariat.

The Polish Independence Movement organization could not obtain the support of the nobles and capitalists, and they turned to win over workers and farmers.

Under the manipulation of the British, as early as the end of 1862, the Polish Independence Organization signed an agreement with the Russian Revolutionary Organization to jointly oppose the rule of the Tsarist government.

The agreement stipulates that once the Polish independent organization launches an uprising, the Russian revolutionary organization will provide them with support and also launch an uprising at home at the right time.

After the Tsarist government compromised with Poland in 1863, the Kingdom of Prussia also joined the ranks of supporting Polish independent organizations. They secretly helped Polish independent organizations train their troops and allowed the Prussian Poles to give up their nationality and join the revolutionary organization.

As for the French, another supporter of the Polish Revolutionary Organization, the two sides had hooked up as early as 1848. The internationalist French once wanted to organize an expeditionary force to help Poland become independent.

Alexander II's reforms also caused concerns between Britain and France. Under the butterfly effect of Franz, the Tsarist government won the Near East War and seized Constantinople, and the Russian threat increased by more than one level compared to history.

The Russian Empire, which was still in the feudal era, was so powerful. What if they were allowed to complete the capitalist social reform?

The British were worried that Russia would threaten their position as the hegemony of the world after it continued to be strong, especially in India, where the Russians would be threatened at any time.

The French even regarded the Russians as the biggest obstacle to continental hegemony. As for Austria next door, at least it seems that no Russian can fight.

This is the experience left by our ancestors. No matter how powerful the Habsburg dynasty was, France could eventually win. Napoleon III decided to play the Russians first after hundreds of years.

Both Britain, France and the U.S. and the United Kingdom, France and the United States wanted to engage in Russians, and it would be best to interrupt Alexander II's reforms and split the Russian Empire.

All Europe except Russia recognizes that the split and weak Russia is the best Russia.

After having the three supporters of Britain, France and the public, the Polish Independence Organization's power grew rapidly since 1863. Finally, everyone felt that they had prepared almost the same thing, and the Polish Independence War broke out.

This time the Poles are quite confident, and the lineup behind them is definitely the most luxurious version in history.

Unless outside the United Kingdom, France and the U.S., most European countries sympathize with or support Poland's independence, and even the Russian allies are sympathizing with Poland.

The specific manifestation is that the Polish independent organization raised one million donations in Austria, but was not blocked by the Vienna government.

Franz was not interested in knowing that the supporter behind the Polish Independence Organization was the one who was behind the Russians. He didn't need to care about it.

He knew nothing about the plans of the Junker nobles. This was not the incompetence of the intelligence organization, but rather the fact that it had nothing to do with Austrian interests and was not worth using spies who had finally been inserted into the Prussian government.

Because of the Russian-Austrian alliance, when countries conspired, they avoided Austria's open spies.

The secretly sentiment liner was finally buried. Of course, it is impossible to convey such information. After all, every information transmission is a risk.

From beginning to end, Franz regarded this Polish uprising as an ordinary independence movement.

It is inevitable that the support of foreign forces will be supported. In this era, as long as an uprising was launched in the Russian Empire, there will be no lack of selfless sponsorship among international friends.

Franz didn't know that Alexander II of St. Petersburg was also unaware of it. He had just eased relations with the powerful factions in Poland and won over capitalists and nobles. The rebellion that broke out now naturally did not attract the attention of the Tsarist government.

Almost every last period of time, a rebellion broke out in Poland, and the Russians have long been used to it. If there is no riot in three or five years, then you have to be careful, which means that the Poles are doing big moves.

Under the influence of habit, the Tsarist government only ordered the local government to suppress the rebellion.

Alexander II's reforms have achieved phased results. After the abolition of the serfdom, Russia's industry and commerce have achieved rapid development.

Don’t get me wrong, this rapid development mainly refers to a significant increase in industrial production capacity in terms of quantity. However, the increase in industrial production capacity has not changed significantly, and it is still at a disadvantage in market competition.

Chinese people would rather use expensive imported goods than use domestic products. During this period, Russian industrial products had the common problem of being stupid and thick, and it would be fine if they were not easy to use. The key is that the price was not cheap.

Due to domestic transportation, the transportation cost of raw materials in Russia has been high, which has led to excessive production costs.

Trouble comes, industrial products are manufactured, but unfortunately they cannot be sold on the market. Especially mechanical equipment, they are completely unsold.

Although the Tsarist government repeatedly raised tariff prices, it was still useless. Some even ridiculed the industrial equipment produced in Russia, which was not even competitive with handicrafts.

This is an exaggeration, and no matter how efficient it is, it is higher than pure labor. Of course, with Russia's low labor prices and high defect rate of mechanical equipment, it is really an unknown which is higher and which is lower.

In Chekov's literary works, it is mentioned that the screws produced by Russian machine tools need to be manually polished when used.

This may not be an exaggeration. During the Russo-Japanese War, some shells had errors in the caliber of the artillery and soldiers needed to polish them before they could be loaded and fired normally.

The weapons in the army are so good, and civilian products are perfunctory, which is even less worth mentioning. In short, Russian goods in the 19th century were the endorsement of shoddy products.

The domestic market cannot be sold, and the international market is even less popular. Against this background, the Tsarist government decided to use the gun in its hands to find an export market for industrial and commercial products.

In the summer of 1864, Alexander II approved the plan for the Army to expand in Central Asia, and the newly-exploded Polish uprising was ignored.
Chapter completed!