The staff of the General Staff Department did not understand the situation on the front line, but "For two days, Pei Chengyi had been staying in the communication center of the General Staff Department. Through long-range command, Yuan Chenhao arranged for the staff of the Front Line Command to formulate combat plans. Considering that few of the national leaders were proficient in military affairs, few could understand professional combat plans, and there was no time to see in detail the tactical plans that were printed with thousands of pages, Pei Chengyi asked the staff to first formulate a general battle plan, that is, how to carry out the campaign action after adjusting the war plan, how much troops and materials should be invested, how long should last, what goals can be achieved, etc., and then connect the various battle plans to form a brief war plan.

When Pei Chengyi was busy formulating a new war plan, Wang Yuanqing was also busy doing related work.

From the perspective of the entire country, Wang Yuanqing’s most concerned about is not when the war will end, but how much impact it will have on the country after adjusting the war plan and whether these impacts can be eliminated. Or minimize the impact and ensure that the country is in a normal state to the greatest extent.

Among the many questions, Wang Yuanqing first considered the issue of military strength.

There is no doubt that it is difficult to keep up with the new speed of war just by the ground combat troops invested now.

Although according to the original war plan, most of India must still be occupied before the end of the large-scale military operation, there is a very important prerequisite, that is, after the occupation of New Delhi, a new regime is established, and then a military force is armed for the new regime, and the task of maintaining social order is to maintain social order. Because the original plan is to end the large-scale military operation at the end of the phenol, there is enough time to support the new regime and cultivate military force. The front-line offensive action is much slower and will not have much impact on combat operations. The problem now is that the attack speed is significantly accelerated. If the original plan is still "occupying New Delhi

If the new regime is supported later, it will not be possible to train enough troops before the large-scale military operation is over. At that time, either India will fight a civil war or allow combat troops to take on the occupation task. There is no doubt that the consequences of both options are serious. The former will seriously weaken the benefits this war brings to the Republic. No matter what the Indian civil war is like, an India that has become a ruin will definitely not be the export market and labor export place that the Republic wants. The latter will make the war loses and casualties exceed the Republic's ability to bear, and will also intensify the resistance of the Indian people and have a serious impact on the future relationship between the Republic and India.

Wang Yuanqing knew very well that Pei Chengyi was also considering this issue, otherwise he would not have proposed two solutions directly.

The first method is not very feasible. In addition to the unwillingness of the allies to dispatch more troops, it is also related to the secret agreement reached before the war. According to the promise made by the Republic, the occupied areas controlled by various countries will become the basis for dividing the sphere of influence in India after the war. That is to say, the more people control, the greater the responsibility and the greater the benefits. Although this agreement has the effect of encouraging allies to send troops, except for Pakistan, the national strength of several other participating countries is very weak. The ability to withstand war is also poor, and they may not be willing to bear the war.

Take a greater burden. Take Bangladesh as an example. In addition to explicitly demanding control of West Bengal and the neighboring Bangladeshi settlement areas, it is not willing to undertake the security work in other occupied areas. From the perspective of the Republic, because to control a huge market with a population of 100 million through this war, even if interest sharing agreements such as "Open Door Policy" can be signed with allies, the interests of the Republic cannot be fundamentally protected. The ideal method is still to control India by supporting pro-China regimes, rather than dismembering India.

The second method seems ideal. There are many problems in implementing it. Not to mention, supporting the new regime must provide a location for the new regime, and the most ideal and convincing location must be New Delhi. Although a new regime can also be established in other places, diplomatically, if the new regime in India is generally recognized by the international community, it must occupy New Delhi and set New Delhi as the capital of the new regime. In this way, at least in form, the new regime gained orthodox status, and the old regime that fled to the south became an exile government.

How easy is it to occupy New Delhi?

According to Pei Chengyi's plan, whether to fight New Delhi or not is a problem.

Of course, Wang Yuanqing knew Pei Chengyi's political mind very well. Although he didn't understand it on the first night, with Pei Chengyi's eyes, when formulating a combat plan and thugs, he would definitely put the attack on New Delhi on a more important point, and he might even attack New Delhi first and then turn south.

Even so, the problem is still difficult.

According to Wang Yuanqing's estimate, even if you occupy New Delhi before the old month and then let the new regime take office, you will also start to form the "New Indian Army." By the Spring Festival of the Western New Year, you will arm the maximum number of troops with no more than 10,000 people, and it is very likely to be a paramilitary force with little combat effectiveness. With such troops, you will definitely not be able to control the entire India. To stabilize the domestic situation in India, you will need to at least "New Army". There is no doubt that the "New Army" will continue until the end of the year. The new army cannot shoulder the heavy responsibility, and the combat troops of the Republic must remain on the front line. If this is true, what is the point of ending the war at the beginning of the year?

As a politician, Wang Yuanqing would not think about problems like a soldier.

In fact, it is impossible to solve this problem with soldiers.

The solution is not difficult, but you have to weigh the pros and cons more deeply.

With Wang Yuanqing's strategic vision, he could not know how to solve it. After all, the solution was very simple. Yibulong established the civilian regime as quickly as possible after the war ended, and comforted him: "Return it to India. The Republic should try not to interfere in India's internal affairs, and the Indians will decide the future of India.

Although this is also a must-take. There is an essential difference between walking early and walking late.

According to Wang Yuanqing's initial idea, within a period after the war, the military control policy must be implemented in India in the name of humanitarian aid, post-war reconstruction, etc. When the Indian social order stabilizes and the supply of materials can meet the needs of most people, then consider the lifting of the military control policy and forming a formal regime through the general election. This will determine India's political system and basic national structure.

It can be said that doing this is the safest and most capable of realizing the interests of the Republic.

There are many problems in implementing a democratic system in India in advance, such as the impact of war on Indians. Extreme nationalist sentiment will have a huge impact on democratic elections, and the combination of democracy and extreme nationalism will make India again pose a serious threat to the Republic. In any case, Wang Yuanqing does not want another Indian war in decades.

There is no way to achieve the original goal. It will only bring more problems.

According to Wang Yuanqing's idea, we must first make concessions on the management of the occupied areas and hand over some of the power to the Indians, rather than the occupation forces to control the local people's power of life and death. The resulting problems are enough to give Wang Yuanqing a headache, such as whether other allies will agree to do so; then we must increase assistance to India and restore normal order in the occupied areas as soon as possible, so that the people in the occupied areas can live a better life than before the war. The huge investment generated can also make Wang Yuanqing

Headache. For example, maintaining the lives of hundreds of millions or even billions of people, you have to use up all the food in the Republic's strategic granary and compensate the victims of war. It is enough to increase the Republic's war budget by several percent; in the end, you have to support a group of enlightened politicians in the occupied areas to play a key role in the construction of India's democratic system. The problems brought about by this can also make Wang Yuanqing very angry, such as how to determine who is enlightened politician. It is a question that needs to be pursued by business.

There is nothing difficult in the world, I am afraid of those who are determined.

Although Wang Yuanqing knew there was a way to solve these problems, he had to pay a high price for it.

At this point, Wang Yuanqing had to consider a question that only politicians would consider, that is, can the benefits obtained from ending the war early be compensated for the price paid? If the answer is no, ending the war early will not be attractive. If the answer is yes, Wang Yuanqing will fully support Pei Chengyi.

There is no doubt that this problem cannot be measured by investment.

Thinking of this, even Wang Yuanqing had to admit that Pei Chengyi was not only a very politically savvy soldier, but also a soldier who could consider problems with the way of thinking of a politician.

At the meeting, Pei Chengyi clearly mentioned that the benefits that cannot be measured by money are the greatest benefits.

Wang Yuanqing can't remember whether the original words were said clearly. Anyway, that's what it means.

In fact, this is true. Many things that are closely related to national interests cannot be measured by money.

Not to mention anything else, the impact of this war on the diplomacy of the Republic cannot be measured by money. Although it has successfully resolved the US conspiracy, stabilized the EU, and stabilized Russia by making a big fuss in public opinion propaganda, as the war continues, when everyone knows that the Republic can gain huge benefits from the war, those countries that regard interests as more important than anything will definitely not let the Republic enjoy its own beauty. There is no guarantee of anything else. Wang Yuanqing can at least conclude that the United States will propose the principle of "equal interests" in the later stage of the war, requiring the Republic to liberate India after the war, open the Indian market to the world, and prevent the Republic from dominating India. As long as the United States takes the lead, the EU and Russia, which are still in harmony with the Republic, will definitely actively follow up and divide the benefits brought by the war.

What should I save then?

Mu Yong doubted that the Republic could not offend all powerful countries, nor could it stand on the opposite side of the world.

This alone must be made to end the war as soon as possible.

In other words, the sooner the war is, the less chance Western countries will interfere in India's post-war affairs. The less likely it is to divide the interests of war with the Republic. Although in terms of submission, the Republic must let some countries taste the sweetness. However, diplomatic struggle is the same as military struggle. Whoever takes the initiative will cut the cake. The sooner the war is ending. The more obvious the initiative advantage in the Republic is. At that time, it will not be Western countries that force the Republic to give more cakes, but the Republic decides how to divide the cakes and who gives more. Who gives less. With this power, Western countries will have to act according to the Republic's face, rather than following the United States to make a fuss. If used well, India's cake can play a greater role, such as leading to the polarization of Western society.

It can be said that Wang Yuanqing can think of these problems and can handle them well.

The benefits brought by this are enough to make Wang Yuanqing tempted.

From the perspective of the national interests of the Republic, especially the long-term national interests, after the end of the Indian War, the Republic no longer had neighboring threats. The strategic expansion action that began in the era of Jiyouguo will end. In the next few decades, the Republic has only two important issues to be solved. To be precise, it is an important issue, that is, concentrating efforts to solve the social problems arising from population aging. The comprehensive implementation of political reform is only one of the important means to solve the problem of population aging and is not a major problem.

No doubt. Stop

The name "defense" is actually a defense that focuses on active offense. Just like the United States vigorously implements strategic defense policies at this stage, but is actually causing trouble for the Republic everywhere. After completing the strategic transformation, the Republic will definitely compete with the United States in various fields around the world. It creates trouble for the United States, and finds ways to weaken the United States' international status and attack the United States' international prestige.

To deal with the United States, we must not rely solely on the Republic. We must use the power of the whole world.

In other words, the Republic's foreign policy must be fully adjusted with the main purpose of "making friends".

The first thing the Republic must strive for is the EU and Russia. Taking advantage of the EU's hope of ultimately achieving comprehensive reunification through political integration and Russia's urgent desire to move towards strategic rejuvenation, we will actively win over the EU and Russia, and build a "multi-polar world" as the name, forcing the United States to deal with challenges from all directions, thus unable to concentrate its efforts to deal with the Republic, and even have to compromise with the Republic on key issues.

To achieve this goal, that is, to win over the EU and Russia, we must let the EU and Russia taste the sweetness.

Not only should the EU and Russia taste the sweetness, but the EU and Russia also should feel that the Republic is a friend that can be dated.

Only when the Republic decides how to cut the cake of India can the EU and Russia be grateful to the Republic after tasting the sweetness.

There is no doubt that giving the EU and Russia something to gain in India will be the new era of foreign policy.

The benefits brought by this cannot be measured by money.

Pei Chengyi mentioned this issue with great importance, hoping that the Head of State and other countries' leaders would believe that only by ending the Indian War early can the Republic take the initiative in the future international game.

In fact, there is no need for Pei Chengyi to remind him. Wang Yuanqing understands this truth.

Gu Weimin also understood this truth, and Yan Jingyu was not worse than Gu Weimin. Wang Yuanqing was a little confused whether Ye Zhisheng understood this truth. Because in his opinion, Ye Zhisheng was an administrative official who was good at handling detailed affairs, rather than a politician with long-term strategic vision. It was precisely because when Wang Yuanqing returned to the central government, he first brought Ye Zhisheng back and asked Ye Zhisheng to handle a lot of administrative affairs for him. He transferred Yan Jingyu back to the central government, and

Putting him directly as the Premier of the State Council was also Wang Yuanqing's long-term consideration, because as a local official, if Yan Jingyu wants to grasp the national power of the Republic, he must first be familiar with the operation of the central government. When Wang Yuanqing was the chief assistant to Ji Youguo, he had a very deep understanding of the operation of the central government. Before becoming the head of state, Wang Yuanqing served as deputy head of state for five years, and during this period he gained the ability to manage the work of the central government.

Of course, whether Ye Zhisheng understood or not, Wang Yuanqing made a decision on the 3rd of the month, that is, the day after Pei Chengyi returned to the capital.

Before Pei Chengyi submitted the war strategy, Wang Yuanqing convened Gu Weimin, Yan Jingyu, Ye Zhisheng and Yan Shanglong to hold an internal meeting. He clarified his attitude and arranged specific work. As Wang Yuanqing expected, neither Gu Weimin nor Yan Jingyu raised objections. As foreign ministers who were proficient in diplomacy, Yan Shanglong also believed that it was necessary to speed up the war. Although Ye Zhisheng did not raise objections, he still did not quite understand Wang Yuanqing's arrangements.

Everything is ready, only the east wind is not available.

To be precise, there is only one last procedure.

On the night of the 4th of the month, Pei Chengyi followed Xiang Yinghui to the head of state again and officially submitted the revised war plan.

Wang Yuanqing only looked through it briefly, signed the name at the end of the document, and asked the secretary to stamp the head of state. Several other leaders did not express their objections, but only raised several notable questions. In Xiang Yinghui's view, this is difficult to understand, because just two days ago, national leaders, including Wang Yuanqing, questioned Pei Chengyi's war plan, "even believed that it was not feasible.

Pei Chengyi was not surprised. He could see the great benefits of ending the war early, so he naturally believed that the head of state would not misunderstand it.

After the battle strategy was approved, Pei Chengyi and Xiang Yinghui left the head of state.

Although Xiang Yinghui asked Pei Chengyi to stay one more day and set off for Vozilabad early tomorrow morning, Pei Chengyi still declined Xiang Yinghui's kindness and left the capital on the Air Force plane that night.

For Pei Chengyi, time is very tight.

On the way back, he received a call from Yuan Chenhao. The assault troops led by Ling Yunxiao had already returned to Zhanxi in the evening of the same day and began to rest as planned.

Back at the front line command, the first message Pei Chengyi received was Bhopal's last Indian army surrender.

Although before that, at around the 4th of the month, Yuan Chenhao ordered the engineering troops to go to the Wu Army's controlled area and start building infrastructure. Even if some Indian troops still rely on their strong fortifications, they would not have much impact on the next stage of offensive operations. However, the last Indian army surrendered, which saved a lot of trouble for the Blue Army and allowed the soldiers of the Nu Army to rest. According to Tang Yinglong's promise, only the thug, Zhou and He army were required to restore all their combat effectiveness and participate in the Battle of the West.

Being able to dispatch more heavy armored troops is definitely a good thing!
Chapter completed!