Riwei paved the way before, so when Pei Chengyi turned the topic to the Pacific Ocean, no one was surprised.

Although compared with the previous high-profile declaration of war on Russia, it is much more shocking to declare war on the United States, that is, to issue a declaration of war through formal diplomatic means, withdraw diplomatic personnel from the United States, and transfer Americans to third countries, etc., this does not change the status of the Pacific War, and the United States is the number one enemy of the Republic.

In the same way as deploying ground war workers, Pei Chengyi did not give Yuan Chenhao too many opportunities to speak.

From the beginning, the head of state firmly controlled the voice and dominated the process of the conference. The so-called "unswerable hand" was hard to speak, and the performances with the head of state were also performed with the head of state General Li Xiangdong and General Liu Oxun, commander of the Western Pacific War Zone. More importantly, when talking about this topic, Pei Chengyi did not directly mention the tactical issues, but after Li Xiangdong's proposal, he proposed to establish a new war zone based on the Western Pacific War Zone.

Now, no one thinks Pei Chengyi is having fun anymore.

Although in the eyes of many people, determining tactics is the most important, real military strategists know that the first thing to do is to clarify the command system. Only a complete command system can exert the power of tactics and allow the army to win the final victory. There is no doubt that the Republic's command system in the Pacific direction is incomplete.

As we all know, after the Japanese War, the Republic's strategic focus shifted from the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean. And through the later Indian War and the Middle East War, the Indian Ocean became the Republic's "inland sea from the perspective of the overall strategic situation. The fundamental starting point of this choice is to avoid early conflicts with the United States. After all, the United States is a Pacific coastal country, but not an Indian Ocean coastal country. From a geographical point of view, if the Republic continues to expand eastward after defeating Japan, it will compete with the United States for control of the Northern Mariana Islands. Even if it turns south, it will have conflicts of interest in the Philippines, Indonesia, Australia and the United States. The problem is that this avoidance strategy can only avoid a temporary situation and cannot resolve the conflict of interest between China and the United States. In other words, if the Republic turns to advance to the Indian Ocean, it does not mean that there is no interest demand in the Pacific Ocean. Fundamentally, the Republic's demand for the Pacific far exceeds that of the Indian Ocean.

Open the map and take a look, you will know that the biggest security threat to the Republic comes from the Pacific Ocean to the east.

, Can

Although it borders Russia in the north, especially in the northeast, it is only separated from Russia by a boundary river. However, the Republic has the most powerful army in the world, and after the year's efforts, it has transformed the Northeast, moved a large number of heavy industries into the relocation of the Little Khingan Mountains, restored the natural environment of the Little Khingan Mountains, Wanda Mountains and Changbai Mountains, which is equivalent to establishing a strategic barrier of hundreds of kilometers. In general, Russia's strategic threat to the Republic is not too great, and it has been confirmed in this war. In the northeast direction, North Korea, which has completed the unification, becomes an ally of the Republic. Japan's loss of the threat makes the Republic's authorities have nothing to worry about. In the southeast direction, although it completely turns to the Philippines in the United States

The Philippines has some threats, and it once had an impact on the Republic's Southeast Asian strategy, and it was even the main channel for the US fleet to enter and exit the South China Sea. However, the Philippines is a small country after all, and it is close to the Republic. It cannot be a climate at all, so it is difficult to pose a substantial threat to the Republic, and it is even more impossible to pay attention to it. In the southeast Asia region, except for Indonesia being a bit tricky, other countries have successively defected to the Republic and become members of the intensive group and associate member states. In the southwest direction, the South Asia region with Pakistan as the core has long been the backyard of the Republic and the rear of the Republic. Even in the Central Asia region to the west, there are Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan as strategic barriers such as Kazakhstan.

In short, starting from the old year, after years of hard work, the Republic has established a strategic defense zone in the surrounding areas, which is in depth between Mianki and Chou. It is often called the "Benjian Defense Circle". In this defense circle, the weakest link is the Ryukyu Islands to the east.

The following year, after the end of the Japanese war, Yan Jingyu, who had just served as the head of the Republic, ignored the opposition of many parties, and with the support of some representatives of the all congress, recognized the Ryukyu Islands as an independent country. He handed over the occupied pre-island islands, the Okinawa Islands, the Amami Islands, the Togala Islands and the Osumi Islands to the newly established Ryukyu Islands federal government, and signed several military base lease contracts with the Ryukyu Federation, renting out many old military bases and large military facilities, including Naha Military Port, Kadena Air Base, Seed Island Space Base, Nishiojima Naval Air Station, Okinawa Island Artillery Experimental Field and Tonoshima Marine Corps Marine Corps Gate Camp.

This move was immediately strongly opposed by the international community.

Objectively speaking, Yan Jingyu's approach is indeed a bit too much.

After the Japanese War, although the Republic forced the Japanese authorities to sign a truce treaty, including renting out military bases and allowing the Republic to send garrisons to the Ryukyu Islands, the Republic not only did not annex Japan, nor did it attempt to dismember Japan. Take the Ryukyu Islands as an example. At that time, the Republic had defaulted on the definition based on historical traditions, that is, the Ryukyu Islands only included islands south of the Takara Strait, and the Osumi Islands to the north of the strait belonged to Japan in history. The problem was that during the war, in order to use long-range artillery troops to attack Kyushu Island and Shikoku Island, the Republic sent troops to occupy Yakushima and Seed Island in the Osumi Islands, and then used security to name the Nagarayu tribe.

The residents of Wu, Zhudao, Yidao, Iwoku, Caofan Island, Shen, Kashima and Zengdao Island Island, and all control of these islands was handed over to the Occupy Command. After the war, it was handed over to the Military Control and Regional Security Committee, and finally handed over to the Western Pacific Theater Command. In other words, after the change of years, the islands that originally belonged to Japan were also under the name of the Ryukyu Federation. More importantly, the predecessor of the federal government of the Ryukyu Islands was the Military Control and Regional Security Committee. In this way, when Yan Jingyu announced that he recognized the Ryukyu Islands as an independent country, it was equivalent to giving all dozens of islands that belonged to Japan legally to the Ryukyu Federation Hao.

It can be said that this is the problem.

From a legal perspective, in the Armistice Treaty, the Republic's authorities did not admit that they did not support the independence of the Ryukyu Islands, but only guaranteed that they would not be in a good position to recognize the independence of the Ryukyu Islands within the year. After the Armistice Treaty came into effect, the Republic had many contacts and discussions with Japan to discuss the stay and stay of the Ryukyu Islands. At that time, in order to get the Republic to agree to immigration to the outer islands and not to obstruct Japan's post-war reconstruction work, the Japanese authorities agreed to decide the ownership of the Ryukyu Islands by a national vote after the end of the war, but only clearly requested a vote.

It must be carried out under the supervision of the international community. Based on this, the Republic and Japan signed a supplementary armistice agreement before 2:2, which only stipulated that ownership should be decided through a national voting, and did not clarify whether the national voting should be fully supervised by the international community. It is precisely because of this that in a good year, Yan Jingyu made the Ryukyu Islands a federal state of the Ryukyu Islands without consultation with Japan. Of course, before that, a national voting must be held, and the voting result was that the majority supported independence was supported.

It can be seen that the problem of the Ryukyu Islands is not big. The key is to take some Japanese Beiyu Islands.

It can be said that if China-US relations were not quite tense at that time, and the two superpowers were preparing for the war, I am afraid this matter would have turned into a local war.

In fact, Yan Jingyu was trying hard to encourage the independence of the Ryukyu Islands, and was also preparing for the war.

, ten thousand

Although during the Japanese War, the Republic occupied the Ryukyu Islands, including the Osumi Islands in the north, and forced Japan to sign an armistice agreement to rent military bases, from a legal perspective, as long as the Ryukyu Islands are not independent, it is still Japan's territory, and the Republic's garrison in the Ryukyu Islands, as well as the ownership and use rights of the military bases are not guaranteed. In fact, it was affected by this. Two years ago, the Republic's investment in the Ryukyu Islands' military infrastructure infrastructure construction was very limited, which seriously affected the military

The value of the base. Not to mention, the Republic’s Navy deployed the most advanced aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean, in addition to strategic needs, it also has a lot to do with the lack of sufficient infrastructure in the Ryukyu Islands. For example, after the Chongqing class enters and stops, it will shut down the main reactor. In addition to powering the emergency system by batteries, other systems need to be powered by the port’s power facilities, and the power supply capacity of Naha Port cannot meet the needs at all. It is difficult to provide comprehensive and effective support for the Chongqing class aircraft carrier.

To make the Ryukyu Islands independent and establish a country is equivalent to legalizing the Republic's military presence on the Ryukyu Islands.

The problem is that even if the Ryukyu Islands were independent, it would not allow the Republic to obtain a safer strategic environment. Even if many of the old military bases in Japan were included in the days before the war, the Republic played a very important role in the military bases in Japan, and the Republic's strategic defense line in the Western Pacific is still very fragile.

From the perspective of distance, the strategic defense space in the eastern part of the Republic's local defense circle is 40 kilometers

right.

If you are facing a second-rate military power, the strategic defense depth of 1,000 meters is already very sufficient. The problem is that the Republic is facing a superpower in the Western Pacific. Even if it extends outwardly to the 1,000 meters of defense space, the strategic defense depth in the Western Pacific is very limited. As early as the year of fierceness, when the first war plan was formulated, Yuan Chenhao, as an army general, clearly mentioned that from the perspective of ensuring local security, it should be tried to seize strategic goals in the Western Pacific, including Guam and the Philippines, in the early stages of the war. The local defense circle is expanded eastward and curved to Choukou Qianmi to ensure that the local area will not be threatened.

From a strategic perspective, if Guam and the Philippines can be captured, all problems will be solved.

The question is, is it so easy to capture Guam and the Philippines?

Obviously, this question does not need to be answered. After the United States used its identity as a trusteeship country to control the Northern Mariana Islands, Guam became the most important overseas territory of the United States, which is higher than the trusteeship area and lower than the federal states. Puerto Rico, the Caribbean region, has the same identity. From a legal perspective, attacking Guam is attacking the United States. Even the Philippines cannot be defeated just by wanting to fight. In any case, the Philippines is a country with a population of nearly 100 million and a long-term pro-American country. Even if the United States does not consider directly sending troops, it can easily occupy the Philippines. It will also pay a significant price for this. In short, it is very difficult to advance eastward.

It is precisely this that the Republic settled for the second best. It set its sights on Japan's volcanic islands.

In a sense, the Republic sent troops to Iwoyu Island and built military facilities on the island. It is already infringing on Japan's sovereignty. Importantly, even if Sokura stands on the right side of the military, there is reason to believe that "Huangdao is a substantial manifestation of the Republic's main attack on the Pacific battlefield. That is to say, as early as before Tiannian, the Republic's authorities had a clear definition of the nature of the Pacific War.

Since you are the main attacker, you have to determine the importance of the seriousness.

Mu Yong doubted that as the vastest ocean in the world, a theater command must be too busy. Therefore, when talking about the Pacific War, Pei Chengyi first proposed to establish a new theater command, that is, to divide the combat areas in a strategic direction based on the Western Pacific War Command. No one expressed opposition to the head of state's decision. Even the commander of the Western Pacific War Zone, General Liu Mianxuan, believed that it was necessary to establish a new theater. However, on the establishment of several theaters and the scope of each theater, everyone's opinions were not completely consistent.

Pei Chengyi's meaning is very clear, that is, in the early stages of the war, everything should be simple and not too complicated. Only two new war zones are established, and if necessary in the future, a new war zone will be established. Yuan Chenhao and Li Xiangdong do not think so. Both of them think that they should be established in one step and 3 to 4 new war zones should be established. The jurisdiction of each war zone is clearly stipulated to avoid problems in the division of powers.

The attitudes of both sides are easy to understand. Pei Chengyi hopes to personally manage the combat operations on the Pacific battlefield, so he must concentrate his powers without excessive dispersion. Yuan Chenhao and Li Xiangdong do not want the head of state to intervene in military operations, so he wants to subdivide the war zone so that the head of state has no way to start.

If it is normal, there may be no major problems.

fruit

Because during the war, the head of state had the power to directly control the army, the debate came to an end. Xiangdong and Yuan Chenhao had to make concessions one after another.

Under Pei Chengyi's insistence, the new Western Pacific War Zone and the Southwest Pacific War Zone were finally established in the form of division. The two major war zones were bounded by the Caroline Islands, that is, the area north of the Caroline Islands belonged to the Western Pacific War Zone, and the Caroline Islands and its south belonged to the Southwest Pacific War Zone. Because this boundary is roughly in the old degree of the Beiwei, it is also called the "Northern Old Degree Line". Of course, it is not the land north of the old degree of the north latitude.

The areas belong to the Western Pacific War Zone. Because it is a springboard for going south to the Southwest Pacific region, the Philippine Islands were allocated to the Southwest Pacific War Zone. More importantly, the headquarters of the Southwest Pacific War Zone is located in Naha, the former Western Pacific War Zone Command, while the newly established Western Pacific War Zone Command is located in Yokohama, Japan, in Yokosuka. In other words, the new Western Pacific War Zone only retains its name, and the rest are handed over to the Southwest Pacific War Zone.

It can be seen from this that Pei Chengyi focused on the battlefield in the southwest Pacific.

Almost no one has raised objections to this. Those who are qualified to participate in high-level military meetings are all generals of the Republic's military. They all know the basic strategy of the Republic and the great significance of moving south.

The problem is that when discussing tactical topics, Pei Chengyi did not mention the combat issues in the Southwest Pacific.

No matter from which angle, before heading south, the Republic's Navy must do one thing well. That is, to ensure the sea control power issued by India and the absolute sea control power in the North Indian Ocean. That's why Pei Chengyi first proposed combat operations in the Indian Ocean.

Although as a former army general, Pei Chengyi's expertise is on the ground battlefield, as the commander with the richest experience in war in the Republic, his understanding of naval warfare is not under any naval general. Of course, it must be admitted that Pei Chengyi's naval warfare tactical knowledge is not rich, and as a commander, there is no need to clarify tactical issues. When talking about the Indian Ocean War, Pei Chengyi only put forward two points: one is to annihilate all enemy fleets entering the Indian Ocean and prevent enemy fleets from entering the Indian Ocean, and the other is to control the passage to the South Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and military actions can be taken when necessary. In response to these two requirements, Pei Chengyi seemed generous, that is, the navy could freely mobilize all military resources except the Western Pacific War Zone, including the South China Sea Fleet operating in Southeast Asia.

It can be said that from this concise and clear military deployment, it can be seen that Pei Chengyi is indeed the most suitable wartime commander.

From another perspective, if it is not Pei Chengyi who serves as the head of state, but a civilian official. Before making such a major military decision, it is definitely necessary to solicit opinions widely, so that the decision will be made even longer. For Pei Chengyi, there is no such problem. It can even be said that even without a senior general like Yuan Chenhao, Pei Chengyi can serve as the supreme military commander as the head of state.

More importantly, almost no one doubted Pei Chengyi's military decisions, and no one directly opposed it.

Although Pei Chengyi is not omnipotent, and no one can guarantee that his decisions must be correct, in the war period, especially in the early stages of war, even if there is a deviation, timely decisions are much better than doing nothing, and will even determine the final victory or defeat of the war. Mu Yong doubted that at this critical moment, both the army and the country needed a commander who could make up his mind and firmly believe in victory.

Only Pei Chengyi has this ability and strong enough to become the commander of the army and the country.

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Chapter completed!