It is said that if you don’t have the power to be the leader, you don’t know how to get to the Minister of National Defense! Later, Xiao Shuang, the old office, learned why the Ministry of National Defense was incompatible with the General Staff.

As an applicant and manager of the defense budget, as well as the military personnel transfer and appointment power, the power of the Ministry of Defense far exceeds that of the General Staff. More importantly, the overall policy of the third military reform is to lower the General Staff while increasing the Ministry of Defense. If everything is based on the third military reform, the General Staff will become a "double-commissioned" organization, that is, accepting the leadership of the Ministry of Defense in peacetime and assisting the head of state in command of war during wartime. In order to ensure the military leadership of the head of state, the local officials of the Minister of Defense will be promoted. The Deputy Prime Minister of National Security Affairs and the State Council has only four prime ministers, namely the Prime Minister and the Executive Vice Premier in charge of daily work, and the Vice Premier in charge of diplomacy, economy and security, directly responsible to Yuanbei.

The problem is that the third military reform has not been fully implemented.

Ultimately, the problem lies in the political and military system of the Republic.

After Gu Weimin came to power, it was not that he did not want to promote the third military reform. After all, Shuai Yongkang was the Minister of National Defense he promoted. It would definitely be much better to control the army through the Ministry of National Defense than to control the army through the General Staff controlled by Lin Xiaolei. The problem is that almost no one supports promoting the third military reform. Lin Xiaolei naturally needs no need to say more. As the Chief of General Staff, he has no reason to hand over power to the Ministry of National Defense. Yan Jingyu neither supported Gu Weimin nor supported Lin Xiaolei, but wanted to take advantage of the opportunity of the two fighting to make a fuss. Yan Shanglong's attitude was very ambiguous. After all, the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of national security before this was arranged by him, not by Gu Weimin. Ye Zhisheng's attitude was also ambiguous. He would not make a statement easily until Gu Weimin and Yan Jingyu distinguished.

In short, when Pei Chengyi took over the Ministry of National Defense, what was placed in front of him was a mess.

To the words of Dongfang Wen, who followed him to the Ministry of National Defense and was appointed as assistant to the Minister of National Defense, before Pei Chengyi, the Ministry of National Defense was just a symbolic administrative agency. Although nominally, the Ministry of National Defense held the Republic's military budget and the power of military personnel to do profits, in fact, the power of the Ministry of National Defense was very limited. Many government orders could not pass the General Staff, so they could not even reach grassroots troops.

It can be seen from this that the fundamental problem lies in the relationship between the Ministry of National Defense and the General Staff.

In the Republic, the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff are two parallel military and political institutions. The Ministry of Defense belongs to the administrative management agency, and the General Staff is a military command organization. In other countries, especially in developed countries, the General Staff is basically a military command organization under the Ministry of Defense. The two are affiliated rather than parallel. The solution to the problem is also here, that is, to change the relationship between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff, and let the General Staff become a military command organization under the Ministry of Defense.

There is no doubt that this is not something Pei Chengyi can do.

Judging from the situation from the Likou Year to the Year of the Insects, Pei Chengyi could not have made the General Staff become a military command organization under the Ministry of National Defense, because Gu Weimin could not have allowed Pei Chengyi, who had a close relationship with Yan Jingyu, to intervene in the military command, and even more so, tore up the quasi-ally alliance relationship with Lin Xiaolei. During this year, Pei Chengyi only did one thing, which was to clarify the relationship between the Ministry of National Defense and the General Staff, and to bring back the power belonging to the Ministry of National Defense.

It can be seen from this that Pei Chengyi does have outstanding political talents.

You should know that the Ministry of Defense has been "sluggish" because many things have not been done according to the rules. The power that originally belonged to the Ministry of Defense fell into the hands of the General Staff, resulting in the inversion of the relationship between the two major institutions. The Ministry of Defense has become an "accounting firm" under the General Staff that is specifically responsible for managing the national defense budget. As long as the power that belongs to the Ministry of Defense is returned to the Ministry of Defense according to the rules, the Ministry of Defense can stand above the General Staff and become a real military management agency.

It's easy to say, but very difficult to do.

Not to mention the personnel appointment and transfer rights that are closely related to all soldiers, it took Pei Chengyi three years to let Lin Xiaolei go.

From the 2nd and 4th fiscal year to the 1st fiscal year, the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff fought three thrilling "decisive battles" and dozens of struggles around power. In the outside world's words, these three years are a time of alternation between the old and new changes.

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Because he was in power, he didn't know much about the situation, and his relationship with other ministries and commissions of the State Council was not smooth, so in his first year as Minister of Defense, Pei Chengyi did not ask for control of the defense budget. He just reached a "gentleman agreement with Lin Xiaolei when he applied for the defense budget to the all congress." The Ministry of Defense would not interfere with the budget allocation method of the General Staff, but he needed to grasp the whereabouts of every penny. Later, Pei Chengyi asked Dongfang Wen to hire an independent accounting firm to be responsible for the audit of national defense funds.

It seems that Pei Chengyi made a big concession.

In fact, Pei Chengyi has taken this opportunity to lay the foundation for regaining the power of national defense budget.

In the fiscal year, the Ministry of National Defense began to play a role in the defense budget stage. According to outside rumors, when formulating the defense budget plan for the fiscal year, Pei Chengyi took the independent accounting firm's defense fund use audit report to the General Staff. It took only a minute to let Lin Xiaolei make concessions and agreed that the Ministry of National Defense will be responsible for the approval of the defense budget, and the Ministry of National Defense will exercise supervision power when spending in combination. This shows that the key is the audit report on the annual national defense budget expenditure.

Although the Ministry of National Defense did not disclose this audit report, the General Staff did not disclose any news. The accounting firm responsible for the audit closed down after this incident. Several accountants involved in the audit changed their names and changed their names and left the public's perspective, but there are enough reasons to believe that this audit report must have hit the point of the General Staff. There are even extremely serious corruption problems.

In fact, this is the greatest value that makes Pei Chengyi the Minister of National Defense. The new address of this site has been changed to: 0博取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取�

Before Pei Chengyi, Shuai Yongkang also knew that there was serious corruption in defense budget expenditure. However, as a civilian official who did not know much about the situation of the General Staff, even if he knew there was a problem, he could not find the problem, and it was even more impossible to make the Chief of Staff bow down. More importantly, officials who are proficient in administrative management are too experienced and smooth, so they lack the courage to investigate to the end. Although in this case, Pei Chengyi also showed his sophisticated and sleek side and did not investigate the problem of false national defense budget expenditure to the end, he achieved achievements that civilian officials could never achieve, that is, let the Chief of Staff hand over the budget power.

It can be said that this is a pound. Awesome and crucial victory.

On this basis, the Ministry of Defense has gained the strength to challenge the General Staff.

At that time, Pei Chengyi, as the Minister of Defense, personally cut off military equipment and technology development projects that were of little significance, added additional important projects, and added funds for old key projects. Because Pei Chengyi worked in the Equipment Office for several years during the third military reform, and then participated in the development of basic scientific research projects in the Physical Experimental Center, Pei Chengyi had a high voice in the development of military equipment and technology, and almost no one dared to doubt his authority.

More importantly, Pei Chengyi did not reduce the defense budget as a result.

Because it reduces unnecessary waste, increases the flexibility of expenditure, and ensures the investment in important projects, the Wuqian National Defense Budget Report drafted by Pei Chengyi himself is more convincing. It also received strong support from officers and soldiers at all levels in the army.

In the year, Pei Chengyi made a comeback.

This time, what he wanted was not only the power to formulate a defense budget, but also the right to allocate national defense funds and supervise national defense expenditure. To this end, in the first half of the year of Liying, Pei Chengyi established two offices under the Ministry of National Defense that were directly responsible for the Minister of National Defense, one was responsible for allocating national defense funds, and the other was responsible for supervising the indication and use of national defense funds. The heads of these two offices were arranged by Pei Chengyi himself.

Faced with the aggressive offensive of the Secretary of Defense, the Chief of General Staff did not even have the strength to parry.

Although at the Administrative Summary and Financial Budget Conference in Gongnian, Lin Xiaolei proposed that the General Staff and the Ministry of National Defense jointly establish a budget approval and expenditure committee to strengthen the management of the national defense budget. In other words, Lin Xiaolei took retreat as advance and hoped to maintain the voice of the General Staff in the national defense budget, Pei Chengyi, who had already established a foothold, did not agree to jointly manage the national defense budget, but instead asked the Ministry of National Defense to manage the national defense budget in accordance with the provisions of the Administrative Management Law and the "Regulations on the Reform and Management of Government Units" and other laws and administrative regulations. Because Pei Chengyi put forward appropriate reasons and had relevant legal support, not only Lin Xiaolei didn't say much on this issue, but even Gu Weimin was not easy to interrupt. In addition to the support provided by Yan Jingyu and Yan Shanglong's belief that affairs should be done according to the rules, Pei Chengyi's proposal was supported, and it was finally determined that the Ministry of National Defense was fully responsible for the approval and expenditure of the national defense budget.

If everything ends here, Pei Chengyi will not be Pei Chengyi.

After seizing the power of national defense budget, Pei Chengyi did a very important thing, which was to use military personnel allowances and welfare expenses to investigate the military's personnel power.

Relatively speaking, personnel rights are more important than budget rights.

It can be said that since the era of Peng Maobang, the General Staff was able to become the "first center" of the Republic's army because it held the personnel power of the army. Back then, Peng Maobang was able to control the major decisions of the Republic as the Chief of Staff, and arranged Xiang Yinghui to take office during Zhao Rundong's administration. In addition to Peng Maobang's huge appeal in the army, it was closely related to many of the privileges of the General Staff. In the era of Xiang Yinghui, the privileges of the General Staff were not only not weakened, but also strengthened because of forming an alliance with Wang Yuanqing. It can be said that Xiang Yinghui's historical location in the General Staff was very similar to Li Cunxun's historical status in the Military Intelligence Bureau. Just like Liu Xiaobin was unable to support the entire sky of the Military Intelligence Bureau, Lin Xiaolei could not continue the glory of the General Staff after becoming the Chief of Staff.

As the Ministry of National Defense "opened fire on the General Staff on personnel power," Pei Chengyi's intention to seize power was already very clear.

It can be said that this is the most tragic struggle between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff in the history of the Republic.

In the year, Pei Chengyi mentioned when formulating the national defense budget plan that the personnel structure of the Republic's military was too bloated, especially the number of senior generals far exceeds actual needs. Without urgent external threats, the military should be appropriately reduced, and the number of generals should be reduced, so as to save hundreds of billions of national defense expenditures for tax-paying Republic citizens, or spend this money in more important areas.

You should know that it is just a plan, but a report that is detailed to individuals. This report of "Haowoo" and "My Pages" immediately caused a huge uproar in the Republic's army, and even ordinary people were affected.

As the content of the report gradually became public, the people of the Republic breathed a sigh of relief.

The young and energetic minister of national defense is not the middle and lower-level officers, but the senior generals. Obviously, the senior generals have no direct relationship with the people of the Republic. The new address of this website has been changed to: 0十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十十

According to the report submitted by Pei Chengyi, at the beginning of the year, the total military force of the Republic was a thug. The army was 10,000, the navy was 10,000, the air force was 10,000, the sky army was 10,000, the Marine Corps, and the Cyber ​​Corps were 70,000. The military force was the basis. The regular military force of the Republic ranks seventh in the world, ahead of India, Turkey, Nigeria, Indonesia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the United States, and the countries with more than 40,000 troops ranked behind the Republic, Russia and Ethiopia. Among the countries with more than 00,000 troops in the world, in addition to the net gold and Ethiopia that were in the civil war, and Turkey, Nigeria and Indonesia, facing powerful foreign threats, the Republic is the Republic.

The proportion of generals and officers in the army ranks first, more than four thousandths, that is, there are generals in each soldier, and there are brigade generals and above in the entire army. In the US military, this proportion is only one thousandth, the proportion of Russian military is about one thousandth, and the proportion of Indian military is only two thousandth. Although the proportion of generals and officers in the Republic's army is relatively high and historically willing, the Republic's army has experienced the most wars, and the generals who have been motivated by the Jin Dynasty have about mutual meritorious people. After eliminating these generals, the proportion of generals is actually less than two thousandth, which is at a relatively reasonable level. However, for any army, too many generals means that other soldiers lack development space. It means that the army is lifeless and lacks positive vitality.

It can be said that compared with the allowances and benefits spent on the general manager every year, other negative effects are even more serious.

What Pei Chengyi had to do was to cut off the carbuncles on the Republic's army and let those young soldiers with vigor and vigorous chess and gain room for development.

Of course, this reform encountered great resistance.

In order to promote reform, Pei Chengyi had a one-on-one exchange with thugs including Qu Maokang, Cai Suikang, Dong Chengfang and Lai Xinping in the last four months of Li'ao's year-old, and more than four thugs, who were over the age of 100 and participated in the Peninsula War and the Indian War. Senior generals who had won military merits had one-on-one exchanges, and persuaded them to retire according to the lower limit of the prescribed age group, and not to delay the maximum service life before retirement.

It is precisely because of the successful convincing of these people that the reform actions of Chengyi's grief and ethics continued to be promoted.

Of course, any reform action must have a buffer period, and it is impossible to have a one-size-fits-all approach from the beginning.

In the Yan Finance Year, Pei Chengyi will reduce the expenses of official allowances and benefits from Jinquan in the Likou Finance Year to Hanquan, and clearly stipulate that the pension and pension benefits of retired generals will be given priority. In short, because the budget is cut too much and there is no need to spend at all, those generals who still want to stay in the army and not leave have to consider it carefully.

It must be admitted that Pei Chengyi's prestige in the army is not as strong as Lin Xiaolei, so no one dares to fight against him.

By the time of the milk fiscal year, the expenses used to reduce the official allowances and benefits to thugs 100 million yuan, and the main part of the reduction was the welfare of the in-service generals. Because by this fiscal year, the number of generals in the Republic's army had decreased from many people to many people with each other, exceeding Pei Chengyi's reduction and profit calculation, so the average salary of the in-service generals did not decrease much.

When this round of reform was completed, Pei Chengyi had already seized military power from Lin Xiaolei.

Some people jokingly said that Pei Chengyi completed a "bloodless military coup during the year." Not only did he rectify the name of the Ministry of National Defense, but he also made himself the "first person in the Republic's army.

No matter what, by the time of the election of the new term in the year, Pei Chengyi's status was already above Lin Xiaolei.

Although Pei Chengyi and Lin Xiaolei were both "civilized" during the struggle this year, it was probably only Pei Chengyi who knew the thrilling process during this period. In fact, with Pei Chengyi's style of conduct, if it weren't for too much resistance, he would not have spent years to correct the status of the Ministry of National Defense. You must know that in the wars commanded by Pei Chengyi, the longest battle was only months.

Of course, no one will stand up to the conflict between the Ministry of Defense of the Republic and the General Staff.

Reality.

In a sense, because Lin Xiaolei could not have the Navy general as the Chief of General Staff, what the General Staff would have had little to do with Lin Xiaolei, so when fighting with Pei Chengyi, Lin Xiaolei was not willing to offend this well-known Minister of National Defense, and even more unwilling to offend Yan Jingyu behind Pei Chengyi. It is precisely this way that after the struggle in 2008, Pei Chengyi naturally became the first person in the Republic's army and became the vice prime minister in charge of national security affairs after Lin Xiaolei left the General Staff.

Strictly speaking, with Yan Jingyu taking office in four, the test of Pei Chengyi has just begun.
Chapter completed!