;However, the answer was given at that time. But Pei Chengyi still slowed down

With Liu Xiaobin's reminder and Li Cunxun's tips, Pei Chengyi did not make any amazing choices. Su Jinhui, who is partnering with Yuan Chenhao. The address of this site has been changed to: Xiaolian Aopeng, please log in to Yuandu

In fact, this arrangement is mainly about taking care of Pei Chengyi.

Although Su Jinhui came from a military family, his grandfather was one of the founding generals of the Republic. Several high-profile generals were born among his fathers, and there were several generals in his generation, Su Jinhui himself was not closely related to the aristocratic faction, and he could be regarded as a rebellion among the aristocratic faction. During the Peninsula War, the clerk commanded by Su Jinhui had a very amazing performance and showed an unbelievable combat power in the battle to attack Seoul. With this battle, Su Jinhui became an army general. During the several mobilizations after the war, he did not show obvious resistance because he wanted to take this opportunity to separate his ties with the aristocratic faction.

The problem is that Su Jinhui can't enter the circle of the young and strong.

Although Su Jinhui is not a few years older than Pei Chengyi and is considered young and vigorous, in the eyes of all young and strong soldiers, this general from a military family has nothing to do with the young and strong. That's right. After the Peninsula War, Su Jinhui was mobilized several times and basically passed the time in the Qingshui Yamen. If it weren't for the minimum retirement age of the general, Su Jinhui would have retired long ago.

Li Cunxun pulled Su Jinhui in at this time, clearly asking him to use his remaining energy.

The question now is. How to arrange the relationship between Su Jinhui and Yuan Chenhao?

Although according to Li Cunxun's intention, Su Jinhui and Yuan Chenhao were both Pei Chengyi's deputy, that is, the position of two deputy commanders of the chiefs of staff in the Joint Command was left to Iran and Syria. When commanding the battle, they directly obeyed Pei Chengyi's orders, but as a promise to Iran and Syria, the Republic must set up two commands on the front line. Pei Chengyi only needs to remotely control the command in the rear, and the two chiefs of staff are responsible for the front line command. In other words, the task of the Joint Command is only to coordinate the two front line commands and not participate in tactical command.

The question is here. Who is fighting Syria and who is going to Iran?

Because the Joint Command has not been established yet, and the Iranian and Syrian authorities have expressed their full obedience to the command, this personnel arrangement is temporarily Li Cunxun's business.

On April 10,000, the day after Pei Chengyi chose Su Jinhui, Li Cunxun found Xie.

In fact, Pei Chengyi is also considering this problem.

According to the most reasonable arrangement, Yuan Chenhao should definitely be allowed to go to Syria. The reason is very simple. The battle in the direction of the Golan Heights must be much more important than the battle in the Zagros Mountains. It can even be said that the final ownership of the Golan Heights determines the final outcome of the Middle East War. Although Pei Chengyi does not doubt Su Jinhui's ability, especially the ability to command the armored group to attack and attack, in terms of his own will, Pei Chengyi does not want to hand over this most important task to a general who has not been on the battlefield for more than ten years, and he is a person who is not very close to him.

military.

The problem is that not everything can develop according to Pei Chengyi's personal wishes.

Li Cunxun came to the door on his own initiative. It was clear that it was to let Pei Chengyi realize the seriousness of the problem.

To put it simply, if the end of the Middle East War is very unfavorable to the Republic, then letting Yuan Chenhao go to Syria would be equivalent to ruining Pei Chengyi's most important partner.

Li Cunxun understands this. Pei Chengyi also understands this.

The two of them didn't waste much saliva. After a brief discussion, Pei Chengyi made a compromise and called Yuan Chenhao according to Li Cunxun's wishes.

Pei Chengyi did not need to worry about the establishment of the Joint Command. According to Li Cunxun's arrangement, the Joint Command was located in Gwadar Port and directly called on the personnel of the War Zone Command. In fact, the main responsibility of the War Zone Command was to serve as the highest command in this direction during the war, so it provided assistance to the Joint Command. It is also the main job of the War Zone Command. Compared with the War Zone Command, the biggest feature of the Joint Command is that it has more liaison officers from Iran and Syria, and two deputy commanders have been added.

The key is the front-line command. In fact, the main organization that commands operations is front-line command

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This matter did not worry Pei Chengyi. After Yuan Chenhao arranged the work of the theater command, he would rush to Tehran. With the assistance of the Iranian authorities, he chose a more suitable location to set up a front-line command. Because the Republic does not have a military base in Iran, it is necessary to consider in the long run. Where to set up a front-line command should be decided by the General Staff or the Military Intelligence Bureau. Pei Chengyi did not ask Li Cunxun. According to his guess, Li Cunxun must have arranged it long ago.

And the location should be in a comprehensive military base near Iraq in western Iran. Because Su Jinhui has not returned to the General Staff, and before the situation is clear, the Republic should not be too active, at least the outside world should not think that the Republic wants to fight, so the front line command in Syria is temporarily under the responsibility of Liu Xiaobin. Fortunately, the focus in Syria is on the Golan Heights, so the front line command must face the Golan Heights, and there is not much room for change.

The key issue of the two front-line command centers is personnel.

Although there was no detailed inquiry, Pei Chengyi believed that it was not difficult to convene hundreds of staff officers for the two front-line command centers with Li Cunxun's ability. No matter how powerful Lin Xiaolei is, as long as Li Cunxun is still the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, he would have to give Li Cunxun face.

Next time, Pei Chengyi left Beijing.

According to Li Cunxun's arrangement, the sarcasm was planned by the Joint Command and should not be left to Yuan Chenhao. Therefore, Yishuimei had to look at Guadal Port in advance and set up a war plan to fight the thugs.

Before the plane took off, Li Cunxun sent someone to send several copies of information.

Because he had been away from the army for several years and the impact of the third military reform, Pei Chengyi needed to take some time to understand the Republic's military power.

In fact, the focus is on the third military reform.

After the Indian War, when Wang Yuanqing proposed the third military reform, almost everyone believed that after eliminating the last personal threat, the Republic would gradually reduce its military power and reduce military expenditures and spend more financial resources on economic construction. In fact, the purpose of the third military reform is indeed like this. The problem is that reducing military expenditures is definitely not the only purpose of the third military reform.

When proposing the reform, Wang Yuanqing mentioned that the main purpose of the third military reform is to achieve the transformation of military power.

To put it simply, it is to build new military forces based on new strategic goals. If you read the most powerful chapter, choose the Tears Book. Stop the Ao Peng. Complete

As we all know, since the first military reform of Jiyouguo initiated, in addition to the primary strategic purpose of safeguarding national security, the main task of the Republic's military power is to establish a peaceful and stable surrounding area and provide assistance to the creation of an international alliance system with the Republic as the core. Mu Yong doubted. Over the years, the Republic's army has completed these two tasks very well. With the fall of the last strong enemy, unless the Republic is willing to completely defeat the strongest rival through war, no sufficient country can pose a threat to the Republic in the foreseeable time. Although some people believe that the Republic and Russia will sooner or later have a fight,

Russia is a quasi-magnificent power with a large number of nuclear weapons. The republic cannot deal with Russia like India. Because Russia is extremely vast, the republic cannot deal with Russia like Japan. In general, even if the conflict between the Republic and Russia will become more and more obvious, as long as the United States is still the world hegemon. The Republic and Russia have the basis for peaceful coexistence. Before that, it is unlikely that the two sides will break out due to legacy issues in history. In fact, the Republic has been dragging on the Mongolian issue. The most critical reason is that it does not want to turn against Russia, and it does not want to be distracted from dealing with the strong neighbors in the north when it needs to concentrate its efforts to deal with the United States.

Affected by the actual situation, military transformation is inevitable.

Judging from the content of the third military reform, reducing the army, strengthening the air force, improving the status of the navy, and establishing the sky army are all the highlights of military transformation. In fact, there are many details worth paying attention to. Not to mention, when a large number of troops were cut, the Republic's Army was the last one to achieve "full professionalization". To be precise, non-commissioned officers replaced soldiers and became the backbone force in the army. By the end of Otter 0, thugs were technical non-commissioned officers, and the rest of the thugs were non-commissioned officers of grassroots troops. Combined with the military mobilization mechanism also determined by the third military reform, when the Republic encounters a war threat, there is no need for national mobilization.

Only military-level mobilization is required, and the reserve force is mobilized, the size of the Republic's Army can be multiplied more than twice within a month. If national war mobilization is carried out, the size of the Army can be expanded more than twice within three months. Although the mobilization capabilities of the Air Force, Navy and Sky Army are far less than that of the Army, according to the National Defense Blue Book published by the State Council of the Republic at the beginning of the Lihuan Year, after the completion of the third military reform, the Republic's national defense mobilization capabilities will be increased by more than twice, that is, within three months, the military force can be increased from the usual military branches except the army, and other branches of the army can be increased by about twice within three months. The mobilization capabilities are very amazing.

From the above, we can see that the key to the third military reform is to enhance the military's mobilization capabilities.

In fact, if you want to ensure the combat effectiveness of the army while reducing the size of the army, you must improve the army's mobilization ability. In addition, you must do one thing well, that is, the military reserve system.

To put it simply, it is the country's strategic reserve system.

As early as the beginning of the century, the Republic began to improve its national strategic reserve capacity and established strategic reserve facilities such as strategic granaries and strategic oil depots. After the South China Sea War, the Republic's authorities concluded that as Japan gradually moved towards the ranks of nuclear countries, wars in East Asia would inevitably be inevitable, so they began to establish the Republic's military reserve system. It can be said that during the Peninsula War, the Republic's armored troops were able to continuously drive to the battlefield, the Air Force could maintain strong combat effectiveness, and have a very close relationship with the military reserve areas established before the war. In other words, the primary purpose of the second military reform implemented by Zhao Rundong was to establish a military reserve system.

Compared with national strategic reserves, the military reserve system is more complex.

Not to mention anything else, because arms are timely and renewal is very fast, it is impossible to store military supplies like food and oil. In fact, no country will purchase large amounts of arms in peacetime and store arms that the troops cannot use.

The problem is that as long as the war breaks out, the demand for arms will rise sharply, and adjusting the production capacity of military enterprises will take time. It is impossible to meet the needs of the army as soon as possible. In this case, any country will reserve a certain amount of arms, mainly ammunition, and equipped ※Lu Shibu. In order to ensure that the army can master the active embedding in a sudden outbreak of war, the military powers that need to be used to equip two generations of weapons at the same time. Take the Republic Air Force as an example, the small and small old series fighter jets are not used to replace the small old series fighter jets. The same is true for the US Air Force, and his sister-in-law fighter jets will be used to replace the old series fighter jets, rather than

Used to replace the Ugly series of fighters. In this way, in addition to the main equipment deployed on the front-line troops, the second-line troops are equipped with relatively old weapons. After the war broke out, they can fully utilize the combat potential of the second-line troops. During the Indian War, the small old fighter jets invested by the Republic Air Force were very limited, and their main task was to seize air supremacy. Only in the later stage of the war, the opponent completely lost its air control ability, did they start to perform ground strike missions. According to statistics from the Republic Air Force, during the entire Indian War, the fifth-generation fighter jets such as Xiaojiu and Xiaogu only performed ground strike missions that were not threatened, and the bombing missions at Tiansuo were completed by Xiaojiu and Xiaojiu series fighters.

The second military reform mainly emphasized this military reserve system. If you read the most important chapter, choose the tears book.

It can be seen from this that as the head of state who was born in a military family, Zhao Rundong made outstanding contributions to the national defense construction of the Republic.

By the third military reform, Wang Yuanqing not only proposed to enhance his mobilization capabilities, but also wanted to strengthen the military reserve system.

For the army, this is obviously not good news. Take the Republic Air Force as an example. Because it does not intend to replace small old fighter jets with small old, the procurement volume of small old is only half of the required procurement volume of small old. In this way, the project was not yet established at that time. Before this name was released, the front-line combat troops of the Air Force would be reduced by about half. In fact, because small old must be used to replace small old, from now on, unless there is a full-scale war, the main front-line forces of the Air Force will not be able to return to the level before the Indian War. Of course, the combat effectiveness of the Air Force will not be greatly affected. After all, through the method of taking turns to deploy, both the front-line troops and the second-line troops can be trained.

In the entire military reserve system, the most important thing is ammunition reserves.

Equipment can last for several years, and no ammunition can be stored for several years. More importantly, if the equipment is used, it can be given free of charge to friendly countries, thus saving the cost of destruction, but ammunition cannot be given on a large scale. In fact, few countries are willing to purchase ammunition on a large scale in peacetime. If you make an inappropriate comparison, equipment is like a pot, and ammunition is like rice. Each family has several pots, and they can be used for more than ten years, or even a few years, and no family would hoard too much rice in normal times.

The problem is, you have to hoard some bullet lines

That's exactly that. Many people believe that the cycle of large-scale local wars involving superpowers is entirely determined by the capacity of the ammunition depots of superpowers. For example, during the Cold War of the United States and the Soviet Union, the US ammunition depots could only reserve the ammunition produced by arms companies in the old year without consumption. Therefore, the regional wars involved in the United States were also limited to the old year, such as the Korean War in the century-long era, the Vietnam War in the field to the blade era, and the Panama War in the middle era. During this period, there was also the Afghan War initiated by the former Soviet Union. Although the United States was not directly involved, the United States provided a large number of weapons and equipment for the anti-Soviet guerrillas in Afghanistan through various channels, which was equivalent to consuming the ammunition depot of the United States. Although the Gulf War in the early years and the Kosovo War in the late era broke out after the collapse of the Soviet Union, according to a generally accepted view, the war was one of the symbols of the post-Cold War transformation.

Take the war involved in the Republic as an example. Because the Republic was not involved in international disputes before the Fourth India-Pakistan War and the ammunition depot had very limited capacity, so after the Fourth India-Pakistan War, that is, after the Republic's military factories accelerated, a war broke out almost every three to years, consuming all reserve ammunition.

During the third military reform, Wang Yuanqing did not try to reduce the production capacity of military-industrial enterprises.

Because the military industry has been opened to private capital, Wang Yuanqing has no reason to suspend private arms enterprises through administrative intervention.

In response to this problem, Wang Yuanqing proposed a very straightforward solution: increasing the inventory capacity of the ammunition depot.

After understanding this point and looking at the third military reform, I am afraid no one believes that Wang Yuanqing's reduction in military expenditure will have a negative impact on the Republic's military power.

It can be said that Wang Yuanqing had no intention of weakening the military power of the Republic at all.

In a sense, the third military reform has only one focus, that is, how to maintain the strongest national defense strength with the least money, and when necessary, burst out national defense forces at the fastest speed, so that the Republic can win any war.

From this point of view, Zhao Rundong established a military reserve system from the military level, while Wang Yuanqing improved the military reserve system from the perspective of the country. Although it cannot be proved that Wang Yuanqing is an outstanding military strategist, it is enough to prove his political talent and a superlative strategic vision!
Chapter completed!