Parliament Hall.

Members of the two houses have come early every day for the past month. Regent Zhang Chao authorized the parliament to give them an important task to discuss the draft Magna Carta.

This is also an agreement reached by Zhang Chao and everyone in the Constitution.

Constitutionalization.

Zhang Chao set some tone for the Magna Carta draft.

For example, he personally proposed that the imperial power was sacred, but it was limited to the provisions of the Magna Carta. The Constitution was above everything else and above the imperial power. Establish a parliament, grant the parliament the power to legislate, and implement the responsible cabinet system.

The court was a federal empire, and the federal territory was composed of the empire's direct jurisdiction and the vassals were divided into various places.

These tones proposed by Zhang Chao personally made the members of the parliament very excited. Since ancient times, the emperor has only centralized power and has never seen such a proactive delegate.

Since the Han Dynasty, the concept of divine authority of the monarch has been deeply rooted in people's hearts, but now the emperor has taken the initiative to propose that the Constitution is higher than the imperial power and proposes to govern the country according to the constitution and the law.

The members of the parliament represent all major straits, and they know very well that if this charter is really promulgated, everyone's power will be greatly protected in the future.

Even though Zhang Chao was the founding king and had extremely high authority, as long as he was willing to abide by the charter he had set, the system of the new dynasty would be decided in the future.

Wei Zheng and Xu Jingzong are now the Speakers of the House of Commons, responsible for taking the lead in drafting the Magna Carta.

Zhang Chao put down his power, and the members of the parliament were very excited, but in fact, there is not much detail on how many items should be listed in this Magna Carta and what specific content should be written on it.

After all, this is the first time to create the world.

"Do you think the Regent really want to promote constitutionalism? Or is it just a cover. Will he change back after he ascends the throne?" Wei Zheng asked Xu Jingzong.

Xu Jingzong smiled.

In his heart, he felt that this constitutional government was unreliable, so how could the emperor restrain himself? In the supreme imperial power, he also had to come up with a charter. Isn’t this unhappy for himself?

But seeing through but not saying it out loud, Xu Jingzong said, "Of course, the Regent wants to promote constitutionalism, otherwise why should we negotiate the draft charter here?"

For Xu Jingzong, what does it matter if the constitution is not a constitution? He didn't think that a constitution could really restrain the emperor, especially a founding emperor like Zhang Chao. In the past, Emperor Zhang Chao was not, but could he also hold power?

So, some people are just too obsessed with the surface.

He felt that this charter was actually used to soothe people's hearts.

However, the members of the parliament were really attentive to discuss the charter.

Someone suggested.

"Since there will be a cabinet responsibility system in the future, I think the Hanlin Academy should not have the right to criticize the winner."

It is said that "if the cabinet responsibility system is implemented, it will not even be necessary to criticize the dividend."

To approve the bonus, the cabinet will hand the memorial to the emperor and then hand it over to the emperor. Since Zhang Chao said that the cabinet will be responsible for the future, there is no need to say that the cabinet will be proposed to approve the bonus again. It should be directly reviewed and handled by the cabinet.

Some people expressed their approval.

If the emperor does not need to approve the prize, then where did the Hanlin Academy get the power to approve the prize? Their criticism of the prize was to approve the prize on behalf of the emperor. If the emperor did not approve the prize, then the Hanlin Academy would still be retained in the future. Wouldn't it be said that the Hanlin Academy has greater power than the cabinet?

A group of people argued very vigorously.

They all said that the Hanlin Academy's power to criticize the royal family was abolished, and that the imperial court only had the cabinet responsible for taking charge of the government affairs.

Since Kaiyuan, although the cabinet has the power to vote, it only provides the emperor with a preliminary opinion on handling the matter. The final decision-making power is still in the hands of the emperor. Even because the Hanlin Bachelor criticized the emperor for his reputable power, his power can even be compared with that of the cabinet.

The power of the cabinet is actually unstable because their votes may be rejected at any time.

Now Zhang Chao has clearly stated the cabinet responsibility system, so the Hanlin Academy can still serve as an emperor's consultant in the future, but the right to criticize the dividend should not be retained. Otherwise, the power will exceed that of the cabinet.

Many members of parliament reached a consensus that the Hanlin Academy will not have the right to approve the dividends in the future, and the cabinet no longer needs to vote and directly approve the dividends.

"The emperor should have the right to veto."

Xu Jingzong went over and added a loud voice.

If the cabinet directly has the right to criticize the royal family, what would the emperor do? Xu Jingzong believed that Zhang Chao asked him to come to the parliament because he asked him to check.

Some congressmen thought about it and said that this is the case. We can't let the emperor stand alone, so what's the emperor?

It would be great now that the cabinet has the power to deal with it directly.

The prime ministers in the cabinet jointly discussed the memorial handling opinions, and finally the prime minister took the opinion. However, if the emperor had any objections to the handling, it could not be ignored.

But compared to the past, the current cabinet is equivalent to having the right to criticize the dividends directly, which is to add the past votes and the right to criticize the dividends, and to have the constitution to guarantee their power. The ultimate veto power owned by the emperor, but this veto power cannot be used every time.

Procedurally, the power of the cabinet's chief dynasty was confirmed. In the past, the memorials had to be put in front of the imperial court after being approved by the Hanlin Academy and the Emperor Zhu. Now, the cabinet is directed to the cabinet and no longer has to go through the emperor's side. Even if the emperor wants to veto it, it is still an objection to certain memorials, and the entire procedure will not change.

Finally, a consensus was reached that the Hanlin Academy no longer had the right to criticize the winners, the cabinet directly had the right to indicate, and the emperor had the right to veto it.

After the day of discussion, Xu Jingzong went to the cabinet to report the progress to Zhang Chao.

After listening to the results they discussed today, Zhang Chao just smiled.

"The cabinet responsibility system means that the cabinet is responsible for the government affairs and the real cabinet is responsible. What you proposed is very good. As for the emperor's veto power, it doesn't matter whether it is added or not."

Xu Jingzong said, "As the lord of the world, the emperor must have this power."

Zhang Chao believes that even if the emperor is truly capable, so what if he doesn't add this, power is ultimately reflected by people. The emperor can reach his wishes through consultation with the prime ministers of the cabinet. For many things, the emperor does not necessarily have to charge forward like Cheng Qian.

It is not that you can do whatever you want by becoming an emperor. If the emperor's ideas harm the interests of the majority, then even an emperor like Yang Guang and Li Shimin, who holds great power will not be able to continue. And if the emperor's opinions can take care of the interests of the majority, even if the emperor does not have this veto power, will it not be able to continue?

Officials from the cabinet, parliament and other government agencies can also coordinate well.

The emperor has the right to convene imperial meetings or even to attend cabinet meetings. In itself, the emperor has always had the right to participate in politics and make decisions, but this cabinet responsibility system is to provide more guarantees for the cabinet to rule. It avoids the loss of power, such as falling into the harem, officials or some powerful ministers.

Of course, it is okay for the emperor to participate in political decisions. If he has those descendants who are incompetent in the future to become emperors, then he personally does not have the ability to coordinate and master the government of the cabinet, which is actually a good thing.

If an emperor is incompetent, let the cabinet rule so as not to ruin the country.

"But if the emperor does not have veto power, how does this reflect the emperor's authority? If there is someone in the cabinet that has autocratic power, won't it be controllable?"

"It's not that serious. The Charter stipulates that the throne is hereditary, and the legitimate one is not established, and the eldest one is not established, and the eldest one is not established. This is the foundation of the law of inheriting the throne, and the Constitution also guarantees that the throne is hereditary. Anyone who dares to challenge this is unconstitutional and everyone in the world can punish him."

On the other hand, there are nine prime ministers in the cabinet, one for seven auxiliary ones, each prime minister is re-elected for at most two ten years, and one third of the prime minister must be changed in each term, that is, three must be changed in one term.

Even though the list of prime ministers is elected by the cabinet, the emperor is finally selected and appointed by the candidates.

If you are worried that the prime minister will not be controlled, Zhang Chao actually has another way.

"In the future, three prime ministers will be elected every five years, and the cabinet, the upper and lower houses will elect three candidates, and the list will not be repeated. In the end, the emperor will select one of the candidates among these candidates, each of them will elect one of the candidates."

The cabinet, the upper court, and the upper court each issue three candidate prime ministers, and the emperor will choose one of the candidates, and the candidates shall not be repeated. In this way, the prime ministers who enter the cabinet will not be appointed by the prime ministers.

As an emperor, there are ways to take power.

Those who have the ability will naturally have a way to take power. Those who have no ability will be better if they don’t take power.

Anyway, the Constitution not only restricts part of the imperial power, but also protects the imperial power.

"There is another thing. Some members of the parliament believe that the imperial court now has thousands of real nobles. If everyone is qualified as a member of the parliament in the future, then at least five thousand will be there. If the false titles are added, at least eight thousand noble members will be there. Some nobles are princes and their fiefdoms have large populations. Some nobles are viscount barons, with small fiefdoms and few populations. Even those who have false titles have no fiefdom population at all."

"If everyone in the noble house has the same power, it would be a bit unfair."

Injustice.

Zhang Chao smiled, very well, these people are already thinking about whether the power is fair or not.

"It's also simple. The false nobles have one vote, the actual baron has two votes, the marquis has three votes, the county duke has four votes, and the county duke has five votes."

Or if you give a false title, the man Bohou and Prince will add it.

For details, we can talk about it again.

This is the same as the general meeting of shareholders, not by the number of people, but by the share in hand. Of course, a real king cannot enjoy the same status in the parliament as a false baron.

"However, the different votes that each vassal holds according to the title level are only useful when electing representatives of parliament at all levels. When representatives are elected at all levels, their voting rights should be the same in the parliament. The senators in the Imperial House of Nobles, whether they are barons or kings, only hold one vote."

The marquises are equivalent to shareholders of the empire. When they elect a parliament, they are equivalent to holding a shareholders' meeting and owning different votes according to shares. However, if they are elected at all levels, it is equivalent to a board of directors. At this time, they cannot be based on votes, but on seats.

"I hope the draft charter can be drafted as soon as possible." Zhang Chao told Xu Jingzong that the charter is not an ordinary law. What he needs is not comprehensive details and clauses, but the establishment of the later empire system from a general direction.

As for the details of the law, the empire can revise all aspects of the law based on the charter in the future.

After Zhang Chao said this, Xu Jingzong suddenly became much more enlightened.

Federal empire, cabinet responsibility system, parliamentary legislation, refutation, abolishing the Hanlin Academy's approval of the royal family, the constitution is above everything else, the fence has the right to autonomy, but there is no legislation, diplomacy, war, and taxation, and the right to formulate tax laws, and has the right to administrative, judicial, taxation, and military self-defense in the fiefdom territory.
Chapter completed!