The squid ear helmet, gray camouflage uniform, leather field strap, officers and non-commissioned officers commanded from the side with light Ruger 08, soldiers holding vertical magazine T-Beretta 15 ready to go, vanguard personnel hit the door with special heavy hammer, and subsequent soldiers rushed in and covered each other without hesitation. Several people in the room wanted to resist, but after a violent strafing, all the people touched the gun turned into a leaky screen, the remaining people were panicked and shocked, and raised their hands high...

In midsummer, similar scenes appeared one after another in two rental apartments in Limerick and a dock warehouse in the suburbs, followed by several manors and several fishing villages in northern Ireland. This is the terrible power of the national violent machine and the thunder wrath of the Irish Royal Guard. The explosion at the Champions League night sparked public anger, and the whole country mobilized, leaving the mice hidden in the dark without any escape.

The anti-severance front was full of news, but at the imperial cabinet meeting, the ministers in Ireland were still frowning. The explosion in the tavern in Limerick, most of the casualties were British. At the beginning of entering the country, these British fans purchased personal safety insurance in accordance with the mandatory regulations of the Irish government. In addition, Ireland provided official pensions, economic compensation for the casualties was not a problem. However, behind the whine of British public opinion was the outbreak of new and old hatreds. The British government took advantage of public opinion to attack and demanded that the Irish government find the murderer and hand it over to the British government for punishment.

Strictly investigate the murderer, punish the victims according to the law, let the victims rest in peace, and give the living a reasonable explanation. This requirement is nothing wrong, but the British government is so experienced in the diplomatic field. They expressed dissatisfaction with the Irish government's efficiency in pursuing the case, expressed dissatisfaction with the Irish police department and the military's actions, and even expressed dissatisfaction with the views and attitudes of Irish public opinion. On this grounds, the British government demanded to intervene in Ireland's investigation and arrest of the murderer behind the scenes, and mobilized a special investigation team and task force in a flash, and in turn asked the Irish government to cooperate with all its strength. Such excessive demands are certainly unacceptable. The two sides have started to fight back and forth in diplomatic occasions. Although the relationship between the two countries will not be in a state of inextricable state, every day, the passive situation of the Irish government will inevitably increase by one point.

At the wide round table, the Foreign Minister McClel, who has been at the forefront of the storm, has gone from an energetic middle-aged man to a grumbling woman. He nagged: "It took only a few lives that Britain cleared the suspicion of secretly supporting the separatist forces in Ireland. Now, we have turned our heads to condemn our mishandling strategy of dealing with religious conflicts, which has caused the Protestants living in the North to be treated extremely unfairly. It is really ridiculous! They think they are cunning, but they forget the beneficiaries of the beneficiaries in judicial trials. This time Ireland suffered setbacks in many aspects such as politics and diplomacy and economic trade. Who is the biggest beneficiary? Of course it is Britain!"

There is no doubt that Ireland is the biggest loser in this dispute. Apart from the political impact, it is only roughly estimated that the economic losses caused to Ireland by the explosion exceeded 40 million marks, and not only Limerick's merchants were injured, but also tourist attractions, tourism, and trade derivative industries across the country were all harmed, and the government's expected tax revenue was also wasted.

Army Secretary Aymo Peref is a typical Prussian soldier who is brave and aggressive and self-disciplined. He shouted: "Judicial trial is only aimed at the citizens of our country. The disputes between countries are always the strong. If the British government holds us like this, just find an excuse to fight them. Who will care about the British who died in the explosion in the Limerick Tavern!"

Navy Secretary William Grientz and Perev have a good personal relationship, and are both German officials. They have a consistent understanding of their attitudes and views on most issues. Even when it comes to the allocation of resources for the construction of the army and navy, the two rarely make a fuss, so they also "hatred the same hatred of the enemy" when it comes to international disputes.

"To this day, there are still many unexcluded mines in the waters near the UK, and most of them are set up by the British themselves. If a British ship hits a mine and sinks at this time, let alone the old men in black top hats in London must have been calm for a while."

Grientz's hint is obvious. This kind of practice has its practicality in theory. However, no matter how hidden it is, it may be possible for the other party to catch clues. If it is exposed, it will be a war.

After all, in Ireland today, its comprehensive national strength and military strength are not on the same level as the United Kingdom, and it is not a wise move to fight head-on. Natsuki naturally skipped Pereve and Grienz's clamor and waited to see what new considerations Prime Minister Haldes had.

Recognizing that the king's eyes were on him, Haldes hesitated for a moment and said, "We have been trying to track down the murderer behind the scenes, trying to use this to relieve the crisis. However, our enemies are very cunning. They must have erased some important clues, so that we cannot find one or two key figures from beginning to end. Perhaps, we should really adjust our direction."

Perev and Grientz looked very good. In their opinion, the Irish army alone could not defeat Britain, but with Germany behind the back, the situation would be different. In the past two years, Germany has been trying to suppress Britain's momentum to revitalize its military, but the British cunningly avoided the binding clauses of the armistice agreement, used the power of the United States to build ships, and promoted the fire on the international stage to curb Germany's strategic expansion, annoyed the German rulers. In some private occasions, German senior officials repeatedly stated that as long as Ireland took the lead in fighting with Britain, Germany would definitely support Ireland like it did in 1914.

Under the dual identities of the royal family members of the German Empire and the King of Ireland, Natsuki did not want Ireland to become Germany's meaningless cannon fodder. Haldes came to Ireland from Germany, and from a bleak future, he became the political head of the country. He had the opportunity to display his lifelong ambitions and had a mentality similar to Natsuki. He looked at Pereve and Grienz in a tepid and said slowly: "So far, our Royal Guard has killed more than 70 armed personnel and captured more than 20 people in the assault. Why not stop as soon as possible and declare the victory of the first phase of the combating separatists, and close the Limerick Tavern bombing as quickly as possible. Those guilty people should be shot and imprisoned. In this way, even if the British government refuses to give up, the pressure on international public opinion will be greatly reduced."

Hurdes' suggestion was not unconsidered. If it went well, it would indeed help Ireland to overcome difficulties, but it would be as hidden dangers as the strategy of the Army and Navy Minister. If Ireland announced a phased victory in anti-separatism the day before and the hostile elements would create new violent incidents one day after another, the Irish government would be slapped in the face, and the negative impact of the depreciation of national credibility on economic and trade will be immeasurable.

Xia Shu expressed his concerns, and the ministers fell into silence again. After a while, Secretary of State O'Grady, one of the regular attendees of the former cabinet meeting, said in a verdict: "Affected by the beer hall explosion, most of the foreign tourists attracted to Ireland by the Champions League final have left the country. Although there are still many journalists staying in Limerick, the number of people we need to deal with is greatly reduced compared to the final day, which provides us with an opportunity to take special measures at home. As far as my personal opinion is concerned, we do not have to announce it.

The first phase of the anti-separatism campaign was won, but to prove our effectiveness through unconventional trial procedures and the most resolute punishment methods. The enemy is very likely to launch an attack at this critical moment. My suggestion is... Whether an explosion or a personnel attack, we announced to the public that it was an accident and took strict blockade measures on the scene, so that those who have the conditions to convey the message cannot know the truth. As long as we survive a period of time, the attention of the outside world will naturally shift to other things."

Decisive and ruthless, these descriptions are somewhat different from O'Grady's previous image. However, after he clearly listed the full suggestions, even Natsuki had to re-examine the assistant who was born in Gaelic nobles.

Halders has not been in charge of the government cabinet for a long time, but at this stage Ireland is in a special period of superficial glory and crises behind it. His experience in handling various complex affairs and adapting to the king's style of conduct has gradually become bold and decisive. He took the lead in nodding to O'Grady's suggestion and explained: "I believe that taking special judicial procedures for the purpose of protecting national interests will not hinder the judicial justice of this country. The punishment of those who commit treason is imposed on the death penalty for treason is clearly stipulated in our constitution."

The Prime Minister's statement is reasonable and the ministers all answered.

O'Grady was very happy that his suggestion was adopted, so when the Prime Minister asked him if he had any additional supplements, he hesitated for a moment and said in a calm and low-key tone: "In terms of strategy alone, if Your Majesty can take advantage of this opportunity to patrol the north, it can not only suppress the outside world's public opinion, but also calm the emotions of the Protestants, and also take the opportunity to lure the enemy to come... Everyone, as long as the deployment is done properly, Your Majesty's safety will not be threatened, and Limerick can also be protected from destruction..."

Before the Secretary of State had finished speaking, he was interrupted by Haldes, and the Minister of Army and Navy also objected immediately.

"We must not let Your Majesty take this risk." The Prime Minister said excitedly, "Never at any time!"
Chapter completed!