The officials in the court were either Liu faction, Han faction, or Xu Xia and Shang faction.

Those who have no party are marginal people, and there is no need to win over them.

The censors are the most unique faction. They are the Constitutional Officers of the court. They can report on the news and make suggestions on the government, and they are not subject to any restrictions.

Even if he is as strong as the emperor and as strong as Han Zhong, he has no good way to suppress the censor.

As long as you are a censor, you will not be restricted by national laws. Except for buying it with benefits, any censor is safe under the protection of the ancestral system and court laws.

They can hear the news of impeachment of officials, and they will not be transferred to other positions, but will only serve as a missionary, military commander, or patrol commander.

Unless you are in the inspection or above, the censor will break away from the supervision system and will have your own superiors and laws to restrict it. Before that, almost nothing can restrict the censor.

Since the court encouraged the opening of a speech path, neither the emperor nor the prime minister could ban the censor from speaking. The censor had his own inheritance pattern, and even the Censor Central Chief could only exert influence and could not interfere too much in the impeachment memorial of each Censor, otherwise the first thing would be that the Censor Central Chief himself was impeached.

This pattern was formed during the Taizu period, and it is undeniable that it still played a considerable crop. In the more than 200-year history of the Great Wei Dynasty, many powerful ministers, generals, cruel officials, or corruption were reported by the censors.

However, government affairs are related to the court style and are also related to the overall situation of the whole world. To this day, it is difficult to find a censor who is completely impeached by public intention or expresses opinions on government affairs, either personal intentions, party disputes, or money bribed. He truly upholds justice, does not attach to the powerful, does not use party interests, or money to bribe the censorship, and has been gone to millions of people, and is almost without trace.

Now it is the battle between Han Zhong and Liu Zhiyuan, Gao Feng, both sides are only fighting hard. The capital seems calm, but in fact it has become a mess.

The Korean censors strongly presided over the heavy responsibility, and the most important reason for insufficient taxes, the Korean censors submitted memorials, saying that all kinds of disasters were severe, especially the censors on Jinghu Road, exaggerating the tragic situation on the road ten times.

According to the writing of a certain Jinghu Road Censor, the road was almost empty, and the people fled to robbers. As long as a slight spark was thrown down, the entire Jinghu Road could be blown to pieces.

The situation is not much better on Qinfeng Road, Yongxingjun Road, Hebei and Shandong.

The Liu faction criticized the Korean censors for exaggerating and incorrectly, and various disasters and different situations. How could it be the same? As for the financial resources, the biggest reason for the lack of national financial resources, which is of course the biggest invasions by the Donghu, and the court had to reorganize its arms many times. Every time the imperial guards were recruited to be equipped with an army, the tax used was the income of the entire prefecture for the whole year.

This is a heavy burden. If you don’t completely attack the cross or hurt Donghu, it will come once every few years, and the Great Wei will never be able to solve or get out of the predicament.

The Great Wei could only passive defense again and again, damage to military strength, and the people were destroyed. In the end, the national strength was lost and the barbarians kept bleeding, and eventually exhausted the national strength and fell down with a bang.

From a certain perspective, the Liu School's statement is not completely unreasonable. The Donghu people's strategy is indeed the case. They will enter the country every three years or so, and the north will fight more and more, and the losses of the Great Wei imperial guards will become greater and greater. However, the Donghu people let go of the wealth of the Great Wei, from Dingkou to cattle, sheep, horses and all the materials they can rob. They use war to raise the war, and the fight becomes stronger and stronger. The soldiers enjoy the invasion of the South, while the Great Wei passive defense will only become weaker and weaker.

This is the most critical point in the end that the huge empire like the Great Wei, with a population of hundreds of millions, was conquered and defeated by the Donghu.

Without elite cavalry counterattacks, they can only defend passively. The defense line of thousands of miles is simply loopholes everywhere. Although the Donghu people only have about one million Dingkou, they can fight stronger and stronger. They will eventually conquer Yanjing and Hunyuan Yiyu, making China under Hu Chen, which is the natural advantage of the nomadic fishing and hunting nations over the farming nations.

Everyone understands many things. In fact, no party in the current court dispute is to come up with a truly effective and feasible solution. To put it nicely, it is to burn its boats, and to put it ugly, it is to gamble and put the future national destiny into a battle.

Liu Zhiyuan may not know how risky it is to do so, but compared with his own worship, Liu Zhiyuan still chose to cater to the emperor's preferences.

To put it nicely, the Korean school's method is to be safe and steady, while to put it bluntly, it is to be conservative and cowardly, and always passively beaten.

In terms of national destiny, both factions are only out of the interests of party-private struggles. No one side has come up with a real solution to the problem, even one fights or not, how to fight, how to gather troops, where to attack, whether the specific force of Donghu is superior, and how to react, there is not even a decent military chess deduction.

For the defending party, there is no decent way to sort out financial resources, reorganize the imperial guards, and how to target the enemy cavalry's harassment after several years.

Both sides are arguing with each other, fighting, attacking each other for power, and are helpless about what they really need to do.

The censors also participated in the battles in the bureau and started from the interests of the party.

Han Zhong wanted to pay 100,000 yuan, one was to reward his own troops, and the other was to buy those officials who were currently considered neutral.

The censor, the disciples, the ministers, and the Hanlin scholars.

"Zhending, the two states of Daming encountered snow disaster this winter." Han Zhong complained: "In fact, 100,000 guan is enough to provide disaster relief. Zheng Yumin insisted on taking it and refused to allocate funds. He said that there was no money in the treasury. If he wanted to talk about the Northern Expedition, he could get millions of guan at once... This stupid pig, after a while, the Sansi Envoy must change his talents."

All the ministers who served as prime ministers must master were the Ministry of Personnel and the Three Divisions.

The Ministry of Personnel assists the Political Affairs Hall to make personnel adjustments so that the prime minister can appoint officials he trusts and distribute his own politics. If the Minister of Personnel and the Prime Minister work against each other, although the Prime Minister follows the usual order and the Left Chief of the Secretary of Personnel, he is the superior of the Minister of Personnel, but he follows the orders on the surface and secretly argues, it will also cause trouble for the Prime Minister.

The second is the envoy of the Three Divisions, who must cooperate with the prime minister to the greatest extent and provide financial support.

In addition, the Censor General must not use officials with good friendship with the prime minister. The Privy Councilor must use candidates who are cold and even hostile to the prime minister.

"The military power cannot be controlled by my husband." This is what Taizu said back then. It is best for the Privy Council to have an opposition in cooperation, rather than in opposition. This involves the clever emperor's mind and the position of subordinates, which is very important, and involves the overall situation of the government structure.

The worst part of today's son is the balance of power and skills. The Privy Council used Han Zhong's old subordinate and close friend Zhang Guangen, which led to Han Zhong's profound influence in the military.

Although Han Zhong was also a Privy Councillor, if he had used a Privy Councilor who was not in line with the wrong plate, he would have cleaned Han Zhong's old subordinates in the army over the years.

Zhang Guangen obviously would not do this, which is why Han Zhong still has considerable power to the imperial guards.

The three envoys who needed to cooperate with the prime minister's governance, the emperor used Zheng Yumin, who was incompatible with Han Zhong. Although he would not argue everywhere, when Liu Zhiyuan emerged, Zheng Yumin quickly formed a political alliance with Liu Zhiyuan, the big constituent, which made Han Zhong very embarrassed and troubled.

"I always feel that Liu Zhiyuan has had some abnormal movements recently." Yang Shidu didn't care much about Sanqianguan, but instead frowned, looking worried.

As Han Zhong's chief aide, Yang Shidu was a famous talented man in Hejian Prefecture. He passed the imperial examination four times and failed to pass the Jinshi in the Beijing exams. Later, he had no choice but to be a prime minister and gained the power and height that ordinary Jinshi officials did not have. Of course, he was loyal to Han Zhong. Han Zhong was there, and his aide was far more powerful than ordinary third and fourth-rank official. If Han Zhong was captured, Yang Shidu had to go home to retire.

Even under the political liquidation, Han Zhong may die of old age at home. Many aides and subordinate officials such as Yang Shidu may not have a wonderful ending. It is very likely that they will be charged with a random crime and confiscate their property for a few years.

The favorite thing for today's officials is to confiscate the property of officials, which is one of the important sources of reasonable and legal additional income for the emperor's private warehouse.

"We have analyzed the power in the North Korean city for a while..." Han Zhong was not as strong as outsiders in front of his confidant aides. He said helplessly: "The commanders of the five major wings are Li Enmao, the commanders of the East City wings are Li Enmao, the emperor has Langwei, and Liu Zhiyuan is the commanders of the West City wings, Wang Tong, the commanders of the three wings are relatively neutral, each with their own preferences. Maybe they are the deputy envoys of the Privy Council, or they may only obey the orders of the emperor. However, Zhang Guangen and I always have much stronger imperial guards than Liu Zhiyuan, which is why they dare not use strength..."

Under each wing, there are ten armies of imperial guards, and no one can fully grasp them. The so-called real mastery is to give orders. The imperial guards can go out to the camp and act according to orders. Generally, only where the emperor issued a tiger talisman or the emperor's white tiger flag appeared, the imperial guards would obey orders with sternness.

In addition, it can only be done by appointing officers from the middle and lower levels who are completely private to master the army.

What Han Zhong really controlled was not Yixiangdu, but Li Enmao and an army under him. Even if it was an army, there would not be more than two thousand people at any time. There would be quite a few officers who would be timid in the face of the battle, or the imperial guards refused to obey orders.

This is the greatest power that private individuals can use under illegal principles.

If it weren't for the cooperation of Han Zhong and Privy Councilor Zhang Guangen, I'd probably not even mobilized this power.

At most, Liu Zhiyuan can mobilize half of the army, and both sides are equally matched.

In this case, the emperor has the decisive force. Whether it is granting edicts, military talismans, or sending Langwei, it will be the decisive result. This is also the biggest reason why Liu Zhiyuan could no longer bear it, but could only fight with Han Zhong from the perspective of official political struggles, but he did not dare to overturn the table.

When the table was raised, who knew whether it was the enemy or himself who fell down?

Han Zhong didn't dare to take risks either. The emperor supported Liu Zhiyuan. Even if Liu Zhiyuan's strength was slightly weak, what should the emperor do at a critical moment?

The soldiers of the imperial guards were at least loyal to the Great Wei and the Emperor on the surface.

Today, Zi’s reputation is not high, but he is still respected in terms of personal morality. Moreover, the inheritance of the Great Wei for more than 200 years has always been based on the love for the people. The lack of reputation of the Emperor does not mean that the royal family of the Great Wei is not respected, nor does it mean that the Great Wei has lost the hearts of the people.

As for the emperor who did not like Han Zhong and was determined to replace Liu Zhiyuan, it did not mean that the emperor would think of using abnormal methods. Although many measures of the government were in chaos, it would be impossible for the emperor to raise troops to destroy his prime minister, or to support the political affairs of the government to raise troops to kill the prime minister.

Once chaos arises, the reputation of the court and the reputation of the emperor himself will be damaged. The emperor always distinguishes the most basic interests of this kind.

Han Zhong seemed to want to be at ease, rather than appease Yang Shidu. After analyzing it, he still felt that the recent political struggles will continue to proceed in an orderly manner.

As for the key points of breaking the deadlock, Han Zhong felt quite confused and extremely tired. Liu Zhiyuan was aggressive and the emperor was suspicious and cold. At this time, Han Zhong felt that he could no longer hold on.

"Enxiang must hold on." Yang Shidu said enthusiastically and anxiously: "Liu Zhiyuan is cruel and ruthless. Unless on the day he takes the initiative to seek peace and negotiate conditions, if Enxiang is forced to leave, he will definitely worry that Enxiang is unwilling to plan to revive, or secretly cause trouble for him. After his mentor leaves Beijing, he will just be in danger."
Chapter completed!