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Volume 11: Thunderbolt Scroll Chapter 54: All the Cannons Are Our Country

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The great Chinese Emperor, this is the letter of His Majesty the Emperor of our country.” Nikolayevich Milukov respectfully handed the Tsar’s letter to Zhao Gang. Zhao Gang nodded and began to read it seriously. He had a bad impression of Nicholas II.

Nicholas II was the 16th Tsar of the Romanov dynasty in Russia, but he did not seem to have the talent of an emperor. He was quiet and elegant in manners and was not interested in power at all. This was in sharp contrast to his tough and courageous father Alexander III. The last tsar of the dynasty, he ascended the throne on 518, 1896. According to tradition, the Russian court held a coronation ceremony for Nicholas II in Moscow. Due to rumors that the Tsar would reward generous gifts, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in the Hoden Square in Moscow, and trampled on each other due to the crowding, causing more than 3,000 casualties. It is known in history as the "Holden Massacre". Since then, he has been known as the Emperor.

When Nicholas II succeeded to the throne, it was the turmoil in Russia. Since the failure of the Crime in 1856, Russia has lost its hegemony on the European international stage. The political and economic conflicts with its former allies, Germany became increasingly deeper and deeper. Faced with the threat of powerful countries around us and the unfavorable international situation, the Tsarist government had to form an alliance with its former mortal enemy, France, hoping to gain a foothold with the help of the Franc and French military aid. In Russia, all social classes launched a massive political democratic movement. Under the propaganda and organization of the Bolshevik Party, the Russian local workers' movement was given strict organization and strong political nature.

From 1895 to 1899, Russia conducted an average of 147 strikes each year. More than 40,000 people participated in the strike. Driven by the revolutionary situation, the Bolshevik Party stepped up its preparations and mobilization for the revolution. In 1905, published the "Political Paper on Social Democratic Party in the Democratic Revolution, Lenin emphasized that the upcoming revolution was a bourgeois democratic revolution, whose mission was to oppose the autocratic system and strive for political democracy, and the goal was to completely overthrow the Tsarist government and establish a bourgeois democratic republic. The proletariat and its political parties should grasp the leadership in this revolution, and after the democratic revolution was won, it quickly transitioned to the socialist revolution.

If an emperor makes his country so bad, even the opposition cannot suppress it. In a sense, he is no longer worthy of being an emperor. As an emperor, he does not simply sit in the position of the emperor, but must accurately grasp the domestic and foreign situation.

"The letter says that the Tsar is preparing to teach me all the lands in Siberia, Central Asia and even one hundred kilometers east of Urals. Is that true?" After reading the letter, Zhao Gang put the letter on the coffee table and looked at Bavel Nikolayevich Milukov kindly.

"Yes. We are willing to make the greatest concessions. As long as you stop and stop attacking, we will definitely fulfill our promise!"

Bavel Nikolayevich Milukov said very sincerely. But in Zhao Gang's view, these Russians had no faith at all. What is the Treaty of Brest and what Lenin said to return the occupied territories of all generations? It was just the conclusion obtained by the analysis of the Piaotian literary network abandoned in a flash. The reason why the Russians were defeated so thoroughly was that their arrangement on the Western Front was offensive, so they could not organize a powerful counterattack.

"It's good, but I don't understand something. So far, our forward has occupied a distance of fifty kilometers in the Ural Mountains. If you say that, don't we retreat a hundred kilometers? There is still such a road in the world. The victorious country will retreat one after another. Mr. Bavel Nikolayevich Milukov, don't you think?"

Bavel Nikolayevich Milukov was stunned and asked stammeringly: "Your Majesty, I think I heard it wrong. Before I left, the vanguard of your army was still two hundred kilometers away from Urals. Before I came, I had issued a statement that I hope the two countries will cease fire. How can your country unreasonable and continue to move forward?"

"Reason, I only know that before we sign the armistice agreement, our army will not stop, and every inch of land occupied by our army is the territory of the Chinese Empire. As long as our cannons can hit, it is China's territory. So, if you want me to spit out your own territory, this is impossible. There is not much time left for you. Where to go, I think you should make a decision as soon as possible." Seeing that Bavel Nikolaevich Mirukov's face was pale, Zhao Gang decided to continue to put some pressure on him.

It just seemed that Nicholas II's failure had been omens.

Nicholas II and the Russian ruling class could not calmly face the rising revolutionary situation at home, in order to seek a wise way out, and still insist on implementing brutal autocratic rule. Nicholas II proposed to "maintain the national foundation", suppress all remarks and actions that are contrary to autocraticism, and ban all political groups. Even the great Russian writer Leo Tolstoy, who always advocated "not to fight against evil with violence", was dismissed from Orthodox Church under the instruction of the Tsar, and a large number of revolutionaries such as Lenin were successively arrested and exiled.

January 9, 1905

On October 8, 1905, Witt, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, wrote a letter to Tsar Nicholas II, persuading the Tsar to agree to the establishment of a legislative Duma and the implementation of constitutionalism. Tsar Nicholas II agreed with limited reforms and instructed Witt to formulate a detailed political reform plan for his reference. Witt and his assistant Odrensky spent 10 days drafting the Declaration on the Reform of the National Order, and in La II, Witt once again said: "Under the current situation, there are only two paths, either declare military dictatorship and suppress everything; or make concessions and implement constitutional reforms." On the morning of the 17th of the month, Tsar Nicholas II finally signed the Declaration on the Reform of the National Order, and on the same day the declaration was immediately released nationwide in the form of an edict, so the document is also called the Declaration on October 17.

The Declaration on the Revision of the State Order declares that Russia implements a constitutional monarchy; ensures personal freedom and civil rights are not violated; and immediately holds elections for the representative body, the State Duma; no law shall take effect without the approval of the State Duma.

Reform failed to meet the people's requirements, but instead stimulated the intensification of the revolutionary situation. Storepin, known as "Bismar of Russia", served as the Minister of Internal Affairs. He put forward the slogan of "Story first, then reform", and sent the firing squad and battlefield military courts to various parts of Russia to arrest and massacre progressive people. The firing squad's noose was dubbed "Storepin's tie" and his life was suppressed bloodily.

After becoming the chairman of the Council of Ministers, Storepin immediately began to subdue the "disobedient" State Duma. On June 3, 1907, Storepin used the excuse of "regretreatment and power" coup, disbanded the State Duma and arrested the Social Democrats on a large scale, implemented a nationwide reign of terror, suppressed the workers and peasants' movement, known in history as the "June 3 Coup". After the "June 3 Coup", the Tsarist government announced a new election law. The purpose of the new election law was to ensure the dominant position of politically conservative peasants, landlords and bourgeoisie in the election of national Duma representatives in various provinces. Among the elected representatives elected by the third State Duma, the landlords and the big bourgeoisie occupied 50% of the seats, and farmers accounted for 22%.

The seats of the workers only have 2% of the seats. In this way, there were two majoritys in the new State Duma: one was that the October Party, which represents the interests of the major bourgeoisie, won the election and became the parliamentary party group that occupied the majority in the Duma. The leader of the October Party, Guchkov, served as the chairman of the State Duma, and the political influence of the Russian bourgeoisie reached its peak; the other was that the extreme right-gang group also occupied an advantageous seat in the third State Duma. This gang group was composed of racist and anti-Semitist organizations such as the "Russian People's Association" and the "Russian Alliance". The great bourgeoisie formed a political alliance with the extremely reactionary gang group. This political pattern is called the "June 3 System".

With the changes in Russia's political situation and the contrast between various political forces, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the Tsarist government gradually increased. At that time, the specific situation of the Russian upper class was that on the one hand, the status of the bourgeoisie in the state political life was not reduced, but continued to increase, and the influence of the big bourgeoisie in the State Duma became increasingly important, which was manifested in not only interfering in general legislative bills, but also trying to interfere in the defense budget and the appointment and removal of ministers. On the other hand, the differences between Storepin and the October Party became increasingly greater, and he felt that the State Duma had become a stumbling block for him to realize his personal ambitions. Therefore, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the landlord and aristocratic class and the Tsarist government intensified again, and eventually rose to the primary contradiction.

This period of history has a very similar curve to the trajectory of the Qing Dynasty's history. Moreover, these two dynasties are also surprisingly similar in history. The final failure can only be attributed to becoming victims of the changing dynasties in the rapid changing tide of the times.
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